Master of the Game: The Relationship between the United States and Iran Revisited, 1969-1972

ABSTRACT

How and why did the Richard Nixon Administration end up with an Iran policy more in line with the preferences of the Shah of Iran than of the United States? At its onset, the Administration did not have a clearly defined or formalised Persian Gulf policy. Attempts to create over-arching guidelines regarding American conduct toward Iran were of little consequence, as the pro-Iranian inclinations of leading decision-makers led to day-to-day decisions that strongly favoured the Shah. This limited room for manoeuvre amounted to little more than acceptance of what was already established procedure. The Shah’s strenuous lobbying of American decision-makers, using their common Cold War considerations to his advantage and the effective sidelining of critical voices within the Nixon Administration, explain this outcome.     

United States Human Rights Policy and Foreign Assistance

This study furthers the inquiry into the relationship between human rights and U.S. bilateral foreign aid. We build the most comprehensive data set to date, extending the time period (1976–1995) and enlarging the number of countries under review (140). Rhetoric aside, human rights considerations did play a role in determining whether or not a state received military aid during the Reagan and Bush administrations, but not for the Carter or Clinton administration. With the exception of the Clinton administration, human rights was a determinant factor in the decision to grant economic aid, albeit of secondary importance. To the question "Does a state's human rights record affect the amount of U.S. bilateral aid it receives?" we answer yes for economic aid, but no for military aid. Human rights considerations are neither the only nor the primary consideration in aid allocation.     

美国对外政策与俄美关系

冷战后特别是“9·11”以来,美国始终谋求巩固由它领导的单极秩序及其超级大国地位,导致许多国家对美作为“世界领袖”的民主性及其管理世界的方法产生了怀疑。目前,俄美之间对共同利益还缺乏一致性的评价,也没有准备好建立平等的战略伙伴关系。其中一个重要原因就是两国对全球化时代的挑战与威胁,以及两国活动中的全球性因素有不同理解。美对外政策使国际关系进一步复杂化,美国应将建立新的国际秩序和确定它在其中的作用尽快提上议事日程。新的国际秩序应该是世界大国重奏“协奏曲”,并使之成为改变当代世界和在各个领域维系平衡的基础。     

Foreign Policy Dimensions: A Comparison Between the United States and Sweden

In this article we compare the structuring of citizens' attitudes on foreign policy issues in the U.S.A. and Sweden. Most of the studies in this area have been carried out on U.S. data, which have made any generalization of the findings to other states difficult. The material is the 1995 SOM study, with a sample of 2,800 individuals. Swedish citizens' foreign policy attitudes were structured along two dimensions. The first dimension showed similarities with Wittkopf's "militant internationalism" dimension; the second dimension showed similarities with Chittick, Billingsley, and Travis's "multilateralism-unilateralism" dimension. As in the United States, ideology has a high explanatory power on individuals' placement on the first dimension, but in Sweden gender and attitudes on "green issues" have some additional explanatory power. On the second dimension education has high explanatory power in both Sweden and the U.S.A., but in Sweden attitudes on "green issues" are also of importance. In the article we argue for a plausible theoretical interpretation of the Swedish foreign policy dimensions that is somewhat different from the one offered in the American case.     

The Rise of Policy Institutes in the United States, 1943-1971

In the period after World War II, an eclectic assortment of scholars, policymakers, and managers presided over the creation of academic centers for the study of war. This article examines the intellectual and administrative assumptions of many of these actors. Made up of academic scholars from the fields of political science, sociology, and economics, they advanced a vision based on what might be called “instrumentalist-positivist social science,” but in appeals to donors they employed basic scientific language.¹     

邓小平对美政策思想与中美关系

1977年之后,邓小平成为中国对外政策的主要决策人。在新的历史条件下,他敏锐地把握历史机遇,并积极应对国际形势变化所带来的挑战,对中国对外战略做出了新的调整,并在中国为实现现     

中国、美国、东盟三边关系略论

中国、美国、东盟三边关系自形成至今,经历了几个不同的发展阶段,每个阶段都有不同的内涵。当前的中国、美国、东盟三边关系较为典型地反映了当今国际社会国家间矛盾与共同利益并存的复杂局面,因而形成于冷战时期的传统三边关系理论无法对其进行合理的解释。未来中国、美国、东盟三边关系的发展将受中美关系的走势、东亚区域一体化、中国的发展及其对外战略的选择3个关键因素的影响,其走势较为乐观。     

美国气候变化政策分析

美国为了维护其现实利益,在现阶段不会以承担温室气体强制性减排义务为代价来参与国际气候变化合作。从长远利益考虑,美国需要利用气候变化政策为其能源安全战略服务。在石油替代能源技术取得突破性进展后,美国可能调整其气候变化政策,在国际气候谈判中采取强硬立场。美国气候变化政策给发展中国家带来了政治压力和经济影响。     

The Key of China-U.S. Relations Lies with the United States

When China and the United States established diplomatic relations, even the most optimistic people did not expect that the bilateral relations could reach to such a point today. When the two countries established diplomatic relations in 1979, they had their respective interests and motivation. To the United States, there were three-fold considerations. Firstly, it was in its strategic interests to engage China the Soviet challenge and change rivalry.     

奥巴马的外交政策与中美关系展望

奥巴马成功当选美国总统,美国政治步入“奥巴马时代”。本质上属于自由主义的奥巴马具有“现实的理想主义”外交理念,在确保美国全球霸权地位的前提下,他会在安全、经济、民主以及全球性问题等对外政策领域有所调整。奥巴马对华政策的延续性将大于变革性,有理由对未来中美关系的发展持谨慎乐观的态度。     

美国对外战略的调整与中美关系

冷战后,由于亚太和中国在美国对外战略中地位的提升,以及美国明显加强在亚太地区的战略部署,中美关系进入了一个新的发展阶段.尽管"9.11"事件后,中美关系出现某些改善迹象,但仍没有改变美国亚太战略尤其是对华战略的基本布局和调整方向.     

印度外交调整与中印关系

今年以来,印度外交连连上演精彩戏目,其中最引人的除了印巴关系的戏剧性变化外,便当数中印关系的迅速升温。继印国防部长费尔南德斯在中国“非典”疫情最严重的时期访华后,印总理瓦杰帕伊于6月下旬对中国进行了正式访问。与此同时,印与美、俄、日、欧及其它国家或组织的关系也不断演化。种种迹象表明,当前印度外交正在逐步走向成熟,印度“大国战略”进程也开始步上新的阶段。然而,印外交的调整和变化在印国内也引起了激烈争论,特别是在发展对华关系上,印政府受到了不少攻击和压力。而在我国同样也有一些对发展对印外交的不同看法。因此,本期我们邀请了中国现代国际关系研究所的六位学者进行对谈,就印度外交的特点及走向、当前印度推进“大国战略”的现状及趋势,以及中印关系等问题进行探讨。或许一些看法还不成熟,但我们期望通过不同的交锋能引起您对相关问题的思考。     

论俄美关系之多变

俄美关系是当今世界最引人注目的大国关系之一.俄美之间从前苏联时期苏美两个超级大国的关系,变成"一超多强"中的"超"与"强"的关系.俄罗斯处于弱势地位、却又在逐渐走向强势复兴.俄美关系具有一度骤暖的权宜性,经常变温的必然性,冷暖之间的相对性,难以逾越的规律性,对华影响的长期性.     

俄罗斯崛起与俄美关系

俄美关系近期矛盾凸现,但两国仍未突破冷战后形成的非敌非友关系的框架.当下双方交恶只是从各自的战略利益考虑进行新一轮的讨价还价.两国还存在共同利益,均需要借重对方,开展合作.然而从俄美关系整体的发展趋势看,双方难以弥合的战略利益和目标间的差异非但没有减少,反而在不断扩大,两国关系的前景不容乐观.     

论东亚峰会及与美国的关系

2005年12月14日,首届东亚峰会(EAS)在马来西亚首都吉隆坡召开,意味着本地区又诞生了一个新的合作对话平台.东亚峰会的构想,最初是由时任马来西亚总理的马哈蒂尔在2000年于新加坡举行的东盟-中日韩("10 3")领导人会议上提出的,并得到了新加坡总理吴作栋的支持.     

Hoover and Offshore Foreign Policy, 1921-1933

This article contends that during the Republican administrations of the 1920s, U.S. officials pursued no deliberate strategy of offshore balancing. On the contrary, Washington hoped to transcend the necessity for balance of power policies altogether through developing a new, demilitarized and economically interdependent world order. The strategy was certainly offshore, in the sense of avoiding alliance commitments, but it did not involve great power balancing. Instead, it combined a business orientation, deep aversion to the use of force, and a profound optimism in the inevitability of peaceful international progress.     

The East Asia Summit and Its Relations with the United States

In a changing world today,Asia has caught wide attention of the world with its fast rate of change and the enhancement of its economic and hence political status. On December 14,2005 the first East Asia Summit (EAS) was held in Kuala Lumpur