共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Tariq Ramadan calls himself a bridge builder between Muslims and European culture, but contradictions in his theology prevent
him from fulfilling this role. He is an Islamic intellectual who espouses democracy and pluralism, yet he believes that shari‘a
law is universal. He exhorts his European followers to refrain from anti-Semitic violence, yet he cites as an authority Sheikh
Yusuf al-Qaradawi, who is an apologist for Palestinian suicide bombers. He calls for Muslims to be full participants in Western
civic societies, yet he calls on Muslims to “resist” the neo-liberal economic order that forms the basis of Western society.
Ramadan has made alliances with left wing politicians and academics in France, Britain, the Netherlands, and the United States,
but he has a pattern of disappointing and frustrating his leftist allies. In the wake of terrorist attacks in Britain and
the Netherlands, the British and Dutch governments called upon Ramadan to support peaceable brands of Islam in these traumatized
countries. These efforts failed because Ramadan’s most important constituency has always been “the Muslim street,” and this
makes it difficult for him to embrace liberal principles. 相似文献
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《Critical Horizons》2013,14(2):255-282
AbstractThis paper considers Agnes Heller's attempt to construct a post Marxist radical philosophy. It examines the two main phases of this project: beginning with her late seventies A Radical Philosophy, it charts her development towards the position she now characterises as reflective post-modernism. It shows that despite a constant commitment to rational critique, Heller's concept of philosophical radicalism has shifted from an emphasis on total critique to that of maintaining balance between the rival technological and historical imaginations that exercise a ‘double-bind’ over the modern individual. The paper explains the rationale of this evolution, highlights the features of each phase and critically analyses their weaknesses. Finally it argues that Heller's contemporary position represents a sophisticated attempt to overcome the limitations of former left radicalism and address the continuing need for orientation in contemporary modernity. 相似文献
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WILLIAM H. SCHMIDT 《政策研究评论》2003,20(4):569-584
Achievement test results from the Third International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS) and the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) suggest that the performance of US students in science is not strong either in terms of international or national standards. Yet, the US is preceived as a world leader in standards‐based and “hands‐on” science reform. In this article I argue that the major policy issue confronting the science community that addresses this apparent disconnect is the development of an organizing principle that would serve to limit the number of essential topics, subordinating some topics in science standards to others. Furthermore, this organizing principle would weave the reduced set of topics into a sequence that is logical and that leads to an unfolding of a key story or stories in science that are intrinsically interesting to students and that provide the basis for understanding science by future literate citizens and not just the memorization of isolated facts to be forgotten when school finishes. 相似文献
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This article attempts to make a contribution to the literature which reflects a growing interest in the conditions underlying radical policy reform. It advances a concept of autonomous policy leaders who can be distinguished from vote-buying politicians by their passionate commitment to "make a difference" by advancing a particular policy quest, with particular reference being made to the way such leadership was exercised by Roger Douglas, New Zealand Minister of Finance from 1984 to 1989. Although such leaders resemble the "policy entrepreneurs" described in "garbage can" models, their goals are more ambitious and the window of opportunity they are waiting for (with its characteristic mix of crisis, mandate, honeymoon and weakened opposition) much greater. They are also dependent on, and emerge from with, an advocacy coalition network which provides them with the backing and resources to redirect public policy. This redirection may produce a backlash from groups concerned that these policy elites may steer the policy process too far in a particular direction. 相似文献
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The Incorporated Company as an Instrument of Government: A Quest for a Comparative Understanding 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
IAN THYNNE 《管理》1994,7(1):59-82
Privatization initiatives and the doctrines of "New Public Management" have led to incorporated companies assuming considerable significance within government in many countries. The implications of this development for the structure and operation of the modern state are potentially far-reaching, but are yet to be appropriately comprehended. In response, the article seeks to establish a framework for understanding the basic characteristics and use of companies from a comparative perspective. Attention is focused on their "publicness" and accountability as affected by their ownership, management, financing, and control, which can all involve a varying mix of the "public" and "private" sectors both domestically and internationally. An underlying belief is that a lot more research and analysis are required in this important area of organizational activity. 相似文献
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战后美国谋求世界霸权经历了战后初期单独谋求世界霸权,60年代至80年代美苏争霸,90年代冷战结束后美国试图建立单极世界三个阶段.美国谋求世界霸权在战略目标和手段等方面有明显的特点.透视美国谋求世界霸权的历史轨迹和特点,给予我们多方面启示.我国应坚持和平发展,为构建和谐世界做出自己应有的贡献. 相似文献
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Carrie L. Hull 《New Political Science》2013,35(4):543-556
In this paper, I contribute to the ongoing conversation in New Political Science regarding the status of political science in general, and political theory in particular. I argue that the quest for certainty and desire to quantify knowledge has not been limited to empiricist political scientists. The emphasis on quantification and deductive logic is found in many places within the political theory tradition itself. Time and again, mathematics and the physical sciences are held up as the model for all knowledge. I argue that this focus has led theorists to distance themselves from politics, either out of despair or disdain for the ambiguity and variability present in political life. While I do not propose that Aristotle provides a magic remedy for the current problems in the discipline, I suggest that his combined interest in logic and the close examination of material detail provides a perennially viable framework for political theory. 相似文献
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Donald F. Norris 《Public Budgeting & Finance》1988,8(1):69-82
The uses and effects of microcomputers were examined in case studies in eight American cities. Most departments in these cities used the microcomputers for financial management activities of one type or another. Other important findings were that microcomputer uses were related to departmental functions, and that the effects of microcomputers on work, people and the organization were largely positive. 相似文献
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