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Jean Grugel 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(7):1061-1076
This paper examines a neglected dimension of the debate about post-national citizenship by focusing on the articulation of citizenship demands at the level of the region. More specifically, it analyses the pressures for, and the constraints on, the project of social citizenship within Mercosur. Drawing on primary research in Argentina, the article identifies a number of initiatives that attempt to infuse Mercosur with a social agenda. I argue that the significance of these initiatives is that they represent the first coherent attempt to articulate a citizen-centred model of new regionalism in Mercosur. But I also suggest that a formidable combination of obstacles lies in the path of this alternative project of regional governance. Finally, I explore the consequences of excluding issues of citizenship, rights and welfare from the agenda of regionalism, highlighting in particular the possibility of societal rejection if region building remains empty of social meaning. 相似文献
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Axel Hadenius Jan Teorell 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2005,39(4):87-106
The purpose of this article is to reassess two influential theories of democratic development: the theory of democratic culture
and the theory of economic development. The leading predecessors in each domain—Ronald Inglehart and Adam Przeworski—are the
prime targets of analysis. We take issue with recent evidence presented by these authors on three grounds: the evidence (1)
confuses “basic” criteria of democracy with possible “quality” criteria (Inglehart); (2) conceptualizes democracy in dichotomous
rather than continuous terms (Przeworski); and (3) fails to account for endogeneity and contingent effects (Inglehart). In
correcting for these shortcomings, we present striking results. In the case of democratic culture, the theory lacks support;
neither overt support for democracy nor “self-expression values” affect democratic development. In the case of economic development,
earlier findings must be refined. Although the largest impact of modernization is found among more democratized countries,
we also find an effect among “semi-democracies.”
Axel Hadenius is professor of political science at Uppsala University in Sweden. He is the author ofDemocracy and Development (Cambridge University Press, 1992) andInstitutions and Democratic Citizenship (Oxford University Press, 2001).
Jan Teorell is associated professor of political science at Uppsala University. His articles on intra-party democracy, social
capital, and political participation appear in international journals. 相似文献
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Adapting to democracy: Societal mobilization and social policy in Taiwan and South Korea 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Joseph Wong 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2005,40(3):88-111
Democratic transition and institutional change do not necessarily guarantee greater political inclusion, particularly when
it comes to the policy influence of civil society groups. Rather, political inclusiveness requires strategic adaptation among
societal actors. Actors need to seize upon opportunities endemic to political change. This article provides a comparative
analysis of health care reform in democratizing Taiwan and South Korea, focusing on two social movement coalitions, the National
Health Insurance Coalition in Taiwan and Korea's Health Solidarity. Both movement coalitions were critical in shaping welfare
reform trajectories in Taiwan and South Korea during the late 1990s, despite having been shut out from earlier episodes of
health care reform. I argue that these groups (1) strategically adjusted their mobilization strategies to fit specific political
and policy contexts, (2) benefited from broad-based coalition building, and (3) effectively framed the issue of social welfare
in ways that gained these movements ideational leverage, which was particularly significant given the marginal place of leftist
ideas in the postwar East Asian developmental state model.
Joseph Wong is assistant professor of political science at the University of Toronto. He is the author ofHealthy Democracies: Welfare Politics in Taiwan and South Korea, published by Cornell University Press. Wong received his Ph.D. from the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
The author thanks Edward Friedman, Jay Krishnan, Ito Peng, Richard Sandbrook, Linda White, along with the three anonymous
reviewers for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. Thanks also to Uyen Quach and Nina Mansoori for their
research assistance. 相似文献
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Maura Duffy 《Third world quarterly》2015,36(8):1472-1492
The 21st century has witnessed increasing dissatisfaction with existing democratic institutions and processes and the growth of alternatives to representative democracy. At the same time arguments are emerging that conventional standards for evaluating democracy are ‘out of touch’ with current realities; in particular, with popular understandings, experiences and aspirations of what democracy should look like. This paper draws on empirical research in Caracas, Venezuela into how Venezuelan people understand democracy, in order to build a case that current evaluatory benchmarks are inadequate for understanding complex processes of social change based on more direct and participatory forms of democratic engagement. 相似文献
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Jan Nederveen Pieterse 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(10):1909-1924
While US government agencies endorse and support the democratic potential of the internet and social media overseas, the criticisms of the WikiLeaks disclosures of US diplomatic cables reveal the bias in relation to transparency and democracy. This poses a wider problem of connectivity combined with hegemony. This paper discusses what the criticisms of the WikiLeaks disclosures reveal. After discussing the enthusiasm about ‘hyper-connectivity’, the paper turns to the WikiLeaks disclosures, and next spells out global ramifications of the leaked cables, the problems of transparency and hegemony, frictions between democracy and democratisation, and the role of banks blocking donations to WikiLeaks. 相似文献
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Yei-Whei Lin 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2017,25(1):68-88
Over the last two decades, there has been a remarkable transformation of the demography and political economy of East and Southeast Asia, thus raising pensions as an important policy issue. In addressing the pension needs of those outside formal sector employment, Taiwan was the regional forerunner regarding social pension provision. However, the immense political popularity of these schemes waned and from the mid-2000s onwards the government began to substitute them with a contributory system for the socially disadvantaged. This paper analyses the political dynamics of social pensions in Taiwan, from expansion of coverage through to gradual dismantlement. The politics surrounding these benefits has received scant attention in international scholarship, with the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank Institute, in particular, having focused most of their attention on policy design issues. The contention here is that a specific configuration of political factors featured prominently in Taiwan, thus providing an explanation for the evolution of its pension policy. Also, these political dimensions can shed light on how this type of pension could evolve in other East and Southeast Asian countries, which is pertinent given that many have increasingly ageing populations. 相似文献
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Robert E. Cleary 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(4-5):1037-1039
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Steve Ellner is the director of the Center for Administrative and Economic Research of the Universidad de Oriente, Puerto
La Cruz, Venezuela. He is the author ofOrganized Labor in Venezuela, 1958–1991: Behavior and Concerns in a Democratic Setting (Scholarly Resources) and coeditor ofThe Latin American Left: From the Fall of Allende to Perestroika (Westview Press), both published in 1993. 相似文献