内阁集体负责制及其例外——英国宪政习惯研究

研究英国的内阁制度 ,离不开研究英国的宪政习惯 ,因为规制着英国内阁行为的政治规则不是一般意义上的法律 ,而是宪政习惯。内阁集体负责制是英国宪政的核心制度之一 ,通过考察和分析英国内阁集体负责制的特点和实际运作机制 ,可以清楚地看到宪政习惯是如何在英国的现实政治生活中发挥作用的     

Parties' Influence during Government Policy Negotiations: Parliamentary Dynamics and Spatial Advantages in the First Italian Republic

As long as parties are interested in policies, they will always have incentives for influencing the cabinet bargaining process, although they do not necessarily shape its outcome to the same extent. Being a member of the invested government, for example, should increase the leverage a party enjoys when bargaining over the cabinet programme. Nevertheless, depending on institutional and political conditions, non-cabinet parties may also play a role in affecting cabinet policy positions. Despite being widely recognised in the theoretical literature, this point has received considerably less attention in empirical studies. By focusing on cabinet bargaining outcomes during the First Italian Republic, the article shows that spatial advantages associated with parliamentary dynamics, including those possessed by non-cabinet parties, can be no less significant in capturing policy payoffs than government membership, even after controlling for other relevant institutional and behavioural factors.     

Government Type and Public Spending in Africa

How does government composition affect government spending in Africa’s democracies? Many scholars have examined the political, institutional, and ideological determinants of government spending, finding that government attributes can affect government spending levels. However, many of these studies have focused on OECD countries, largely overlooking the link between government spending and government composition in African democracies. I examine support for two existing theories about the characteristics of governments that can lead to increases in spending levels: the number of parties in government and the number of ministers. I assess empirical evidence for these theories using original data on government composition in 19 African countries from 1990 to 2015 and data on government spending from the World Bank. I find that a coalition at the time the budget is passed is associated with increased spending, but the number of cabinet ministers does not appear to systematically affect levels of government spending.     

《临时约法》“因人立法”说辩正

通行的中国法制史教科书关于《中华民国临时约法》特点在于“以法制袁”的论断 ,本来是对该约法的肯定 ,却为批评该约法因人立法提供了口实。这种批评虽然是在法律价值观上的拨乱反正 ,但通过史实考辩可以看出 ,该约法规定责任内阁制却并非针对袁世凯 ,而是临时参议院基于利益的考虑所采取的扩大自身权力的措置。该约法的缺点不在于规定了责任内阁制 ,而在于没有规定保障其正常运作的健全规则。     

Political Dynasties and the Selection of Cabinet Ministers

We investigate whether politicians whose family relatives previously served in parliament and cabinet enjoy a competitive “legacy advantage” in progressing from the backbenches to cabinet. This advantage may stem from two potential mechanisms: a direct effect attributable to the informational advantages of legacies or an indirect effect that operates through greater electoral strength. We evaluate the relative contribution of each mechanism using candidate‐level data from Irish parliamentary elections and cabinets from 1944 to 2016. Our results reveal that politicians with a family history in cabinet do enjoy an advantage in cabinet selection, and that this advantage cannot be attributed simply to greater electoral popularity. 1     

The Timing of Cabinet Reshuffles in Five Westminster Parliamentary Systems

Despite their political prominence, cabinet reshuffles have not attracted a great deal of scholarly attention. We provide a theory of cabinet reshuffles that emphasizes both systematic and time‐varying causes. In particular, we argue that prime ministers employ cabinet reshuffles to retain power in the face of both intraparty and electoral challenges to their leadership. We use repeated‐events duration models to examine the timing of cabinet reshuffles in Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom in the period 1960–2001, and find support for several of our hypotheses.     

法律逻辑：回顾与展望

法律逻辑的历史大致分为三个阶段：第一阶段主要是建立以传统逻辑或一阶逻辑内容为框架的法律逻辑体系,并将这些理论广泛地运用于法律思维领域之中;第二阶段主要是从法律适用问题的研究扩展到了法律发现或获取问题的研究;第三阶段主要是对事实发现、法律获取、诉讼主张与裁决证成的规律、规则与方法进行系统的研究,逐渐地建立以事实推理、法律推理、判决推理与法律论证理论为主要内容的不同于传统逻辑与一阶逻辑框架的法律逻辑体系,并将这些理论应用于事实的发现、法律的获取、诉讼主张与裁决的证立之中。     

中国行政法学三十年高影响论文之回顾与反思——基于主流数据库(1978—2008年)的引证分析

结合两大引用数据库CSSCI和CNKI,两大文摘数据库《新华文摘》和《复印报刊资料》,采用被引用和被转载两项指标,挖掘反映行政法学术影响力的高引率论文,力图通过客观的数据分析,纵览改革开放30年中国行政法学的研究焦点,从而试图为今后行政法学术发展形成共同的文献基础。     

The impact of coalition parties on policy output – evidence from Germany

This paper examines two crucial questions related to coalition politics and representative democracies. How do parties’ ideological positions translate into cabinet policy positions? And how does the relative impact of parties vary over the legislative term. Using an original dataset of 74 social and budgetary laws from nine German coalition governments, the paper shows that, on average, government parties influence cabinet policy position according to their relative strength. However, the relative impact of coalition parties varies significantly during the term. At the beginning of the term in office, the policy positions of the cabinet are representative of the overall cabinet ideology, but the policy positions strongly move towards the position of the party representing the median when the next election approaches.     

正义：我国行政决策的理性诉求

作为行政管理活动的首要环节和重要基础,行政决策解决了政治资源的定位和分配,从而决定着行政管理活动的方向及方式取舍,并以其特有的权威引导和保证社会发展的方向。政治正义性与合法性的原理要求我国的行政决策必须坚持正义的理性诉求。但由于权力寻租的存在,监督机制的不健全以及行政决策的技术基础不够理想,我国部分行政决策的正义性明显不足。要增强我国行政决策的正义性,必须从根本出发,完善行政决策的制度基础,提高行政决策的技术基础,扩大行政决策的社会基础。     

张君劢对中央政制的具体设计——简析《国事会议宪草》及《政协宪草》设计的中央政制

张君劢起草的《国事会议宪法草案》和《政治协商会议宪法草案》有关中央政制都采用了新内阁制设计,两部宪草都产生了很大影响,后者还被国民党政府采用为1947年宪法的底本,本文就是对这两部宪草设计的中央政制的研究。     

Conclusion: prospects for analysing committees in comparative perspective

ABSTRACT

While theories of committees in the U.S. Congress can continue to play a central role in the still-growing comparative study of committees, they require careful, frequent modification. Moreover, more fruitful study of committees may require a wider framework, recognising more fully that committees are institutions embedded in wider social structures.     

Quotas: changing the way things look without changing the way things are

This paper argues that while quotas can quite easily be used rapidly to address the problem of insufficient numbers of women in representative political institutions, effective representation requires us to pay attention to far more than merely the numbers of women present. This article suggests that, in particular, we need to look at which kinds of women are made present by quotas, how these women gain office and what they do once they are there. Using the South African example as a case in point, the paper suggests that where women become representatives through mechanisms controlled by party political hierarchies rather than by way of more broad-based political processes reflecting real social change, quotas can act to legitimate and perpetuate women's actual absence of power rather than being an effective remedy.     

疑难案件、司法判决与实质权衡

在疑难案件的审理中,经常可以发现,一些法律规则之外的因素影响了司法判决的做出。如何认识与评价这一现象？这些因素是否不可避免？如果是,这是否就意味着司法判决失去了客观性、确定性与合法性？文章通过考察几个中国司法实践中所出现的疑难案件,以及一些理论上的探讨,回答了上述问题,并得出结论：在疑难案件中,一个完整的法律论证必然要将某些法律之外的因素涵括进来;或者说,一个包含了法外因素的论证将更为真实、更为完整,从而也是更值得被接受的。     

Stealing Thunder as a Courtroom Tactic Revisited: Processes and Boundaries

Stealing thunder refers to a dissuasion tactic in which an individual reveals potentially incriminating evidence first, for the purpose of reducing its negative impact on an evaluative audience. We examined whether it was necessary to frame the negative revelation in a manner that downplayed its importance, and found that stealing thunder successfully dissuaded mock jurors even without framing. We also sought to determine the mechanism by which stealing thunder operated, and found that stealing thunder led mock jurors to change the meaning of incriminating evidence to be less damaging to the individual. We also found that stealing thunder's effectiveness did not hinge on whether or not opposing counsel also mentioned the thunder evidence, and that the stealing thunder tactic was no longer effective when opposing counsel revealed to the mock jurors that the stealing thunder tactic had been used on them.     

The Investigative Study Role of Canada's House Committees: Expectations Met?

Canada's House of Commons committee system, established to enhance the effectiveness of parliament, has operated in approximately its present form since 1986. However, information about what it accomplishes remains limited. This article focuses on the investigative/policy studies of committees. A questionnaire given to former cabinet ministers and analysis of previously unexplored committee data support the view that these studies have achieved a modest influence on governments, well short of expectations held in the mid-1980s. Furthermore, their influence is as a source of political intelligence more than the collaborative policy work and technical expertise given central importance by creators of the system. This supports scepticism about the influence achieved by the all-party agreement that continues to be reflected in about 70 per cent of committee reports, and may also be reflected in the written responses to committee reports by governments, an estimated 50 per cent of which are ambiguous. Nevertheless, the original vision reflected in the committees persists among many Canadian advocates of parliamentary reform.     

A bouncy house? UK select committee newsworthiness, 2005–18

ABSTRACT

Traditionally, legislative committees have been regarded as quite unimportant in the UK. Some scholars contend that recent reforms have substantially increased the powers of select committees, rendering them genuinely important to policy and the scrutiny of government; others see little sign of change. We examine House of Commons select committees in regard to exactly one indicator of significance, their newspaper coverage. We detect significant gains in salience of some committees, as compared to the period just before the Wright reforms (2005–10). But committees vary dramatically in coverage levels and trends, and it is unclear if their newspaper profiles continue to grow.     

1946年的政协宪政方案失败原因探析

1946年,参与政协会议的各方,包括国民党、共产党、民主同盟等,设计了一套旨在建立两院国会制、责任内阁制和地方自治制的宪政方案。方案得到了各方的认同,但最后却失败了。各方对于政协决议一些具体问题的争执以及对于这些争执的误读,在实施政协决议时的次序错误,当国共双方出现重大分歧时中间性力量的分裂等因素综合起来导致了宪政方案的失败。国共在东北问题上的分歧与战争也是重要原因,但不在本文的分析之列。     

Legislative Behavior in Romania: The Effect of the 2008 Romanian Electoral Reform

This article analyzes the impact of electoral rules on legislators’ rate of vote defection from their party position in legislatures while accounting for how party‐leadership strength mediates this impact. To this end it looks at the effect of the 2008 Romanian electoral reform. The reform shifted the electoral system from a closed‐list proportional representation to one in which all candidates run in single‐member districts. The analysis finds that because party leaders have maintained their leverage intact, the impact of the reform was minimal, with legislators being more likely to defect in less important votes only, in which party leaders allow defection. Also, after the reform legislators are more likely to use other means to impress their voters, such as legislative initiation and cabinet questioning. These forms of behavior are more accepted by party leaders.