松花江以北地区日侨俘遣返始末

松花江以北中共控制区日侨俘的遣返,是东北日侨俘遣返的重要组成部分。日本战败后,松花江以北地区滞留的日侨俘20余万人等待遣返。为顺利地完成遣侨,国共美三方多次会商,签订《遣送东北中共管制区日人之协定书》。东北民主联军以认真负责的态度,采取各种有效措施,做好遣侨工作,从1946年8月20日至10月初,共遣返日侨俘18万余人。这一善举体现了中华民族的博大胸怀和中国人民的人道主义精神。     

From Lothringen to Lorraine: Expulsion and Voluntary Repatriation

Between December 1918 and the end of 1921, the French authorities sought to “cleanse” the Moselle region of Germans as part of a programme of francisation. Different commissions, operating without any proper legal basis worked to identify and classify native and German immigrant indésirables respectively; their victims faced undignified, even harrowing train journeys to Germany. Those who remained faced the ever present risks of denunciation or harrassment, prompting them to opt for voluntary repatriation to Germany. Again, the circumstances of their departure were far from ideal. Like the expellees they suffered the sequestration and liquidation of their property, being allowed to take with them a minimum of cash and hand luggage. Nearly 100,000 Germans left the Moselle in this way; only a very few returned once the Versailles Treaty allowed for a limited number of naturalisations.     

Negotiations for Refugee Repatriation or Local Settlement: A Game-Theoretic Analysis

This paper uses a model developed by Brams and Doherty (1993) to examine negotiations among a country of origin, a country of asylum, and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in a refugee crisis. A unique feature of the paper is its treatment of the country of asylum as a separate player in the negotiations, which makes the choice to permit or deny settlement in the asylum country endogenous.
The model is applied to two groups of Rwandese refugees: Tutsis living in exile in Burundi for three decades and Hutus in Zaire during the 1990s. The contrasting circumstances surrounding these two refugee crises provide an opportunity to study asylum countries that were sympathetic and unsympathetic, and to model changing attitudes in the country of origin and the international community toward the refugees. For both crises, the predictions of the model are broadly consistent with the unfolding of the negotiation process and the opportunities that eventually became available to the refugees.     

The Soldier, The State, and The Clash of Civilizations: The Legacy of Samuel Huntington

The major military challenge that the United States faces today is the war in Afghanistan. The U.S. military is engaged in a grueling counterinsurgency campaign against the Islamist movement known as the Taliban, which is based among Pashtun tribes in Southeastern Afghanistan and Northwestern Pakistan, who have never been permanently subdued by a foreign military force. This challenge comes in the wake of that other grueling counterinsurgency war that the U.S. military has had to conduct in Iraq, where its chief adversary was the Islamist movement known as al Qaeda in Mesopotamia. Moreover, the challenge in Afghanistan comes on what could be the eve of an impending military challenge, perhaps even a war, with Iran, as that Islamist state relentlessly moves toward acquiring nuclear weapons. In its entire history of two- and-a-quarter centuries, the United States has never been engaged in an unbroken succession of three wars, in three different countries. Together, the U.S. wars with or within Islamist countries add up to what is a “long war,” indeed.     

《小说神髓》的“文学冒险”

坪内逍遥《小说神髓》要展现的是一个庞大的帝国文化图景，其主要意图应置入近代日本社会“他者意识一民族主义一近代国民国家”这一思想观念流程中才能够被理解。它不仅呈现出作者根深蒂固的民族主义立场，而且反映出日本文化界在明治维新后积极谋求文化自立、自强与扩张的文化帝国主义图谋。     

美洲国家组织的申诉机制在社会权利领域的实践——兼与其他区域性社会权利的申诉机制比较

<圣萨尔瓦多议定书>生效后,美洲国家组织的中诉制度在社会权利领域有着较丰富的实践.美洲国家组织的申诉机制及其在社会权利领域的实践具有以下特点:个人中诉与集体申诉相结合,由任择性机制发展为强制性机制,由法定的部分适用发展为实际的全面适用,依法积极否定规避申诉的事由,遵循先例,并取得了一定的实效.美洲国家组织的申诉机制及其在社会权利领域的实践在区域性经济、社会和文化权利的申诉机制中均处于领先地位,其主要原因在于美洲人权文化的特质.     

The Geography of the International System: The CShapes Dataset

Sceptics of globalization attribute the proliferation of light weapons to economic openness. Increasing globalization apparently weakens public authority, leading to social disarray, anomic violence, and general conditions that make handgun ownership and use more likely. Pro-globalists might argue contrarily that trade openness can raise the premium on peace as violence is bad for business. Moreover, greater interdependence allows the diffusion of anti-proliferation norms and facilitates cooperative behavior among trading partners for stemming the demand for and proliferation of small arms. Using a unique dataset on small arms imports, we find that greater openness to trade and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) lowers small arms imports per capita. A policy measure of economic freedom is associated with higher small arms imports, but this association seems to be explained entirely by the association between economic freedom and strong bureaucracies. States that are de facto more open to the global trading system are less likely to be inundated with these weapons, but richer, better-governed countries import more small arms. Global policy should pay closer attention to the seepage of these weapons from the relatively wealthy, who manufacture and buy them in larger quantities, to the poor, among whom the ‘problems’ associated with small arms are often manifested. Curbing those factors that encourage globalization, however, would be counterproductive to reducing the trade in small arms and light weapons.     

The Bush Doctrine: The Foreign Policy of Republican Empire

The dominant narrative concerning the Bush Doctrine maintains that it is a dangerous innovation, an anomaly that violates the principles of sound policy as articulated by the Founders. According to the conventional wisdom, the Bush Doctrine represents the exploitation of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, by a small group of ideologues—the “neoconservatives”—to gain control of national policy and lead the United States into the war in Iraq, a war that should never have been fought. But far from a being a neoconservative innovation, the Bush Doctrine is, in fact, well within the mainstream of U.S. foreign policy and very much in keeping with the vision of America's founding generation and the practice of the statesmen in the Early Republic. The Bush Doctrine is only the latest manifestation of the fact that U.S. national interest has always been concerned with more than simple security.