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日本农业普及教育的发展及其借鉴   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
日本农业普及教育产生于“二战”之后,是日本农业发展体系的关键一环,为日本农业的发展提供了强有力的支撑。由于日本经济和社会的发展变化,日本农业普及教育在经济恢复时期、经济高速发展时期、经济低速发展时期的三个发展阶段中呈现出不同的发展特征。研究日本农业普及教育的发展对我国农业普及教育的发展具有一定的启发意义。  相似文献   

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This article examines the recruiting practices, political propositions and changing identities of the Scottish adventurer Gregor MacGregor in the early nineteenth‐century Caribbean. Based on original archival research and revision of the existing secondary literature, it seeks to understand why he has consistently been judged as a failure, and why neither Scotland nor any of the countries MacGregor worked in have wanted to claim him as their own hero. After an introduction providing biographical details and some historical context for the Caribbean in the period 1811–1830, the article looks in detail at what have been seen to be his successes and failures in the Caribbean region. It asks to what extent questions of ethnicity or masculinity have affected the way contemporaries and historians viewed MacGregor and his actions. In conclusion, it suggests that although he was a soldier and a sailor, and he was declared both an Inca and a King, his career was deemed a failure by both contemporaries and historians in Scotland, South America and the Caribbean. The main explanation for this negative assessment is that his ambitions continually fell foul of the interests of various Caribbean elites and of the distinctive historical circumstances of the region.1  相似文献   

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Queensland's post-First World War Soldier Settlement Scheme, begun with noble and optimistic intentions in 1916, officially terminated in 1929 after ignominious failure. There were a number of factors which contributed to the erosion and ultimate destruction of this phase of land settlement, but Commonwealth-State antagonism and the incompetence of many State agricultural advisers were certainly significant elements. Beerburrum, just north of Brisbane, was one of the largest groups of settlements which characterised Queensland's attempts to turn swords into ploughshares. Beerburrum soldier settlers and their families strove valiantly to extract a basic living in the face of overwhelming adversity, and an examination of their circumstances offers a valuable window into the trials and tribulations of the entire scheme.  相似文献   

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While the Australian Government partly justified the introduction of a universal National Service Training Scheme for eighteen‐year old males in 1951 by highlighting the threat of imminent war and the consequent need for military preparedness, advocates also believed that national service encouraged the development of a sense of civil responsibility. Its confidence in the potential of national service to promote citizenship explains why the government was so strongly committed to the scheme's universality. Nonetheless, although the government went to great lengths to enforce compliance, Aborigines and those from other “non‐white” backgrounds were actively discouraged from participation and women were only reluctantly admitted to the professional army. As would be expected in this period, they were never considered for national service. An examination of the rationale for national service and the associated discourse for inclusion and exclusion not only indicates the social assumptions shaping policy‐making by government and bureaucratic elites in 1950s Australia, but also reveals their wider social aspirations.  相似文献   

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Workers' Capital: Industry Funds and the Fight for Universal Superannuation in Australia . By Bernard Mees and Cathy Brigden (St Leonard's: Allen and Unwin, 2017), 270pp. AU$30.75 (pb).  相似文献   

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对于俄罗斯而言,叶利钦时代与普京时代的转型既是一个延续的过程,但又呈现出截然不同的面貌,体现出一定的断裂性.自上个世纪90年代和本世纪初开始,俄罗斯改革的目标,至少在口头宣示上,与其说是从极权体制向民主制度以及从计划经济向市场经济转型,不如说是要从叶利钦时代转型形成的制度陷阱--非效率制度均衡中脱离开来,试图通过增加国家能力的途径建立新的效率制度均衡.运用"第二次转型"的理论范畴有助于全面认识发生在俄罗斯的由传统体制向现代民主政治和市场经济的转化以及与此相伴的社会转型进程,能够对叶利钦时代俄罗斯之所以败、普京时代俄罗斯之所以兴提供一种新的解释,同时,这也表明原社会主义国家转型具有丰富的多样性.  相似文献   

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This essay explores the development of L.F. Crisp's understanding of the appropriate role of Australia's Senate in the national political system. A review of his widely‐used textbook over three decades reveals that, to Crisp, the Senate was conceived primarily to protect state interests, but that role was nullified almost immediately by the emergence of disciplined parties. Thereafter, the Senate usually was an ineffectual irrelevancy until the introduction of proportional representation transformed it into a threat to the constitutional system as it should operate. Crisp also appreciated that disciplined parties undermined effective control of government by the House of Representatives, yet he consistently failed to recognize in the Senate an institution capable of doing what the House of Representatives cannot: enforcing accountability on the government of the day.  相似文献   

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The Grownup     
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The Editor     
《中东政策》1999,6(3):209-210
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The Maestro     
Jean McGarry 《耶鲁评论》2001,89(2):118-126
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The library     
《亚洲事务》2013,44(2):218-220
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The Fault     
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