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This research assesses the perspectives of budget officers and agency personnel in state governments about performance measurement applicability for budgeting purposes. Results show that both perspectives consider performance measurement use effective for improving communication, increasing awareness about results, improving service quality, and changing strategies to reach certain results. Then again, the use of performance information is not found as effective, often not at all, for cost or program cutting, or for changing spending levels. This suggests that while today's governors might need to temper their expectations regarding the usefulness of performance initiatives to support budget balancing in the short run, they should remain steadfast in promoting performance measurement applicability for the long-term benefits recognized by both budgeters and agency staff.  相似文献   

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The European Community: A Balancing Act   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Sbragia  Alberta M. 《Publius》1993,23(3):23-38
The European Community has traditionally been analyzed usingtheories and concepts drawn from international relations ratherthan from federalism. This article emphasizes the balance betweenthe representation of territorial and nonterritorial interestsin the Community and argues that concepts drawn from federalismcan be useful in analytically understanding the Community aslong as the American model of federalism is not viewed as thenecessary federal referent. It describes the relative importanceof the territorial dimension within the major Community institutions—theCommission, the Council of Ministers, the European Council,the European Parliament, and the European Court of Justice.The Court of Justice, it is argued, is particularly importantin giving the Community a "federal" contour. However, its methodof operation differentiates it in important ways from the Americanjudiciary. The role of territorial politics within the Communityis such that the Community's policymaking process, while unique,is certainly recognizable to students of comparative federalism.  相似文献   

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随着我国经济的增长和市场取向改革的深入,市场各要素之间、不同地区之间的利益差距日渐扩大。按照邓小平同志关于“两个大局”的思想,解决这两类利益非均衡的问题已经成了现阶段我国建设社会主义市场经济的首要任务。完全市场化或完全政府干预式的解决办法都不具有现实性。一个较被普遍接受的结论是建立二者结合的利益均衡机制。这里主要涉及对公平和效率、政府和市场这类“两难”问题的选择。因此,研究我国目前两类利益非均衡的结构及特点,探索社会主义市场经济利益均衡机制的主要内容和实现途径,对于保证我国社会主义市场经济的稳定…  相似文献   

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Extract from a speech delivered at Government-in-Excellence Summit 2000, 'Reinventing Government — A Manifesto for Achieving Excellence and Managing for Results in the New Millennium', 24–26 May, Singapore, (For the full text see www.anao.gov.au)  相似文献   

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Democratic theorists often distinguish between two views of democratic procedures. 'Outcomes theorists' emphasize the instrumental nature of these procedures and argue that they are only valuable because they tend to produce good outcomes. In contrast, 'proceduralists' emphasize the intrinsic value of democratic procedures, for instance, on the grounds that they are fair. In this paper. I argue that we should reject pure versions of these two theories in favor of an understanding of the democratic ideal that recognizes a commitment to both intrinsically valuable democratic procedures and democratic outcomes. In instances in which there is a conflict between these two commitments, I suggest they must be balanced. This balancing approach offers a justification of judicial review on the grounds that it potentially limits outcomes that undermine democracy. But judicial review is not justifiable in any instance in which a bad democratic outcome results from democratic procedures. When the loss that would result from overturning a democratic procedure is greater than the gain to democracy that would result from ensuring against an undemocratic outcome; judicial review is not justifiable. Loss or gain to democracy is defined by the negative or positive impact of each action on the core democratic values of equality and autonomy, aspects of the democratic ideal. Even when judicial review is justified, the fact that it overturns intrinsically valuable procedures suggests that such review is never ideal from the standpoint of democracy.  相似文献   

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Public policy decisions are increasingly made by regional governance efforts that involve diverse decision makers from multiple government units within a geographic region. These decision-making bodies face competing pressures to represent regional and local interests. We study how decision makers balance preferences for regionalism and localism within metropolitan planning organizations (MPOs), the policymaking entities that are responsible for implementing U.S. federal surface transportation policy at the regional level. Our model of regional governance relates variation in regional policy outcomes to the incentives of MPO decision makers and the institutional environments in which they interact. Analyzing data from a sample of the nation's largest metropolitan areas, we find that MPOs dominated by elected officials produce more locally focused policies, holding other factors constant, while MPOs dominated by nonelected public managers produce more regionally oriented policies. Contextual factors, as well as the regional governance institutions themselves, further shape the balance between regionalism and localism.  相似文献   

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After discussing the nature of the balance of power following the March 1996 federal election, this article looks at potential methods of influence for parties (particularly the Australian Democrats) in a balance of power situation. Included are three case studies of major legislation. The results show levels of influence to be mixed depending on the nature of the legislation, and the Howard government to be a 'mixed bag' in its approach to parliamentary process and dealing with the Senate. The final stage of this article looks briefly across those case studies to make conclusions as to the motivation, intent and consequences of public sector changes which are occurring under the Howard government.  相似文献   

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Australians are now reaping the economic fruits of two decades of reform and structural change. But they are being asked to turn their backs on egalitarian values once considered untouchable. This article examines key changes and applies two tests: first, could Australia have achieved broadly the same economic benefits with less equity sacrifice; and, second, did the shift in policy values towards individualism and materialism adequately reflect the community's own preferences and priorities? The article suggests that the economic and social policy revolution of the last two decades does not fully meet these tests. The policy trade‐offs could have been managed better.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

This study comprises an investigation of Europe's motives to develop the independent satellite navigation system known as Galileo, despite the existence of America's successful – and freely available – Global Positioning System (GPS). The study begins with an analysis of both systems to familiarize the reader with global navigation satellite systems (GNSS), to provide an understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of GPS and Galileo, and to highlight the systems' similarities and differences. Although the two systems have different founding principles, they employ similar infrastructures and operational concepts. In the short term, however, Galileo will provide better accuracy for civilian users, at least until GPS upgrades take effect. But performance is only part of the rationale. The author contends that Europe's pursuit of Galileo represents a desire for enhanced performance and independence, as well as an economic incentive. With Galileo, Europe hopes to achieve political, security and technological independence from the United States. Additionally, Europe envisions overcoming the US monopoly on GNSS by seizing a sizable share of the expanding GNSS market and setting a new world standard for satellite navigation. Finally, the author explores Galileo's impact on the United States and reviews US policy towards Galileo. The article concludes with recommendations to strengthen the competitiveness of GPS.  相似文献   

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September 11 was the catalytic event that clearly demonstrated that transportation security was a virtual myth. We had obviously overinvested in efficiency-based mechanisms and procedures while the security and safety standards provided by effectiveness considerations were being increasingly ignored. This article analyzes the increasingly dangerous situation as it unfolded and provides an Emerging Entrepreneurial Management and Public Policy Model designed to provide insights towards rebalancing our transportation security and public policy considerations as we attempt to design, implement, and pay for optimal security systems to deal with the terrorism threats we face in the early twenty-first century. Rebalancing the model and the equations will require increased focus, will, and skills. It will also be a lot more expensive . . . in both the private and the public sectors.  相似文献   

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