论我国宪法上的劳动权与劳动义务

宪法上的劳动权包含个体劳动权和集体劳动权两类,我国现行宪法仅规定了个体劳动权,对于集体劳动权在宪法性法律上有不完整的规定。通过对德日两国有关个体劳动权规定的比较,不同的宪法文本、宪法理论对劳动权的性质的影响巨大,从我国宪法上劳动权的历史和体系来看,应属于社会权属性。作为一种社会权,劳动权仍具有两种给付请求权功能。同时,对于劳动义务,应将其理解为对公民劳动权的一种内在的限制,但在宪法上作专门规定的意义不大。     

Between EU Constitution and Individuals' Self: European Citizenship

Law and Philosophy -     

欧盟宪法发展进程中的双重变奏——共和主义与自由主义的视角

欧盟宪法较之于民族国家的宪法的一个突出特征在于，欧盟宪法不是来自于一次政治决断，而是由多个连续性的决断构成，这就表现为欧盟宪法的发展或欧盟统合秩序的形成是一个由多种力量或因素参与其间的法律与政治进程，其中，共和主义与自由主义最为重要，从而欧盟宪法的发展进程也就体现为共和主义与自由主义的双重变奏。共和主义是欧盟宪法的灵魂与骨架，而自由主义在欧盟宪法发展之初是作为一种积极的力量而存在的。随着欧盟宪法的发展，因触及了各个民族国家的政治、社会发展模式及成员国人民的福利，自由主义则成为欧盟宪法发展中重要反对性力量所借助的思想资源，但是，源于“欧洲梦”的追求，共和主义较之于自由主义始终具有正当性与统摄性。欧盟宪法未来的发展，在一定意义上就取决于共和主义与自由主义之间的平衡。     

European Democracy, the 'Permissive Consensus' and the Collapse of the EU Constitution

Abstract:  The draft Constitution was an attempt to democratise the EU, while taking account of the problematic social preconditions for democracy at the Union level. Its failure demonstrates the need to pay greater attention to the nature of public support for the EU, and to the ways in which this support is related to the democratic quality of EU institutions. Contrary to what is often assumed, EU support can still be quite adequately described by the figure of a 'permissive consensus'. For better or worse, attempts to democratise EU institutions might undermine this form of support.     

From Balance to Conflict: A New Constitution for the EU

As the crisis (and the Union's response to it) further develops, one thing appears clear: the European Union post‐crisis will be a very different animal from the pre‐crisis EU. This article offers an alternative model for the EU's constitutional future. Its objective is to invert the Union's current path‐dependency: changes to the way in which the Union works should serve to question, rather than entrench, its future objectives and trajectory. The paper argues that the post‐crisis EU requires a quite different normative, institutional and juridical framework. Such a framework must focus on reproducing the social and political cleavages that underlie authority on the national level and that allow divisive political choices to be legitimised. This reform project implies reshaping the prerogatives of the European institutions. Rather than seeking to prevent or bracket political conflict, the division of institutional competences and tasks should be rethought in order to allow the EU institutions to internalise within their decision‐making process the conflicts reproduced by social and political cleavages. Finally, a reformed legal order must play an active role as a facilitator and container of conflict over the ends of the integration project.     

从宪法条约看欧盟与成员国之间的权力分配——兼评法、荷对宪法条约的否决以及欧盟的意义

为了解《建立欧洲宪法的条约》中对于成员国与欧盟机构之间的权力分配,本文从:欧盟权限的范围、欧盟如何在其授权范围内进行立法决策、欧盟法的效力等三个角度对该条约进行了分析。可以看出,宪法在对欧盟进行广泛授权的同时,仍然从根本上维护了成员国的主权,宪法条约并没有从根本上推进原有的条约体系已经达到的一体化的程度。但兼顾了一体化和各民族特征的欧盟本身正是二十世纪政治文明最重要的创新性成果,是其他国家和地区学习的典范。     

欧盟宪法公民社会权司法救济及借鉴

《欧盟宪法条约》第二部分的《欧盟的基本权利宪章》,以人为本而非以权利为中心,将自由权与社会权统一于人的尊严、自由、平等和团结诸项价值之下,赋予包括社会权在内的所有权利以司法救济的完全权利品格,这无疑是一次巨大的权利进步,不仅为我国公民社会权救济提供了可参照的蓝本,也为行政诉讼扩大受案范围提供了良机。     

我国现行宪法章节名称之由来及评析

＂名＂是一个极其重要的范畴。宪法章节名称是一个不可回避、不容轻视的问题。我国现行宪法的章节名称,主要是对1954年宪法章节名称的继承。1954年宪法的章节名称,在多方面借鉴了前苏联宪法,但也有创造,如＂国家机构＂的章名。现行宪法的章节名称,还有完善的空间。     

Punishment and the Duties of Offenders

This paper offers a partial critique of one of the central lines of argument in Victor Tadros’ The Ends of Harm: his attempt to show that a system of deterrent punishment can avoid the objection that it treats those who are punished ‘merely as means’ to our goals, by arguing that we may legitimately use someone as a means if in doing so we are simply forcing her to do what she anyway had an enforceable duty to do. I raise some questions about the idea of forcing someone to do what she has a duty to do; about what duties a wrongdoer incurs towards his victim, and how they may be enforced; and about whether we can move from such duties to a justification of criminal punishment as a deterrent.     

如何应对司法考试中宪法部分主观性试题

无论在过去律师资格考试中,还是在国家统一司法考试的辅导中,经常有人问到宪法考试中遇到的问题。有些进行了口头答复,有些采取了网上复函,有些进行了课堂讲解。现在,我将相关问题进行整理,谈谈自己的看法。一、今年司法考试,宪法部分有什么变化应该说,近几年来,在综合考试中,宪法部分是变化最小的。大纲几乎没变过,司法部推荐教材也大体保持了原貌,考试题型、分值也基本维持了原来的情形。当然,从今年考试大纲及举例来看,也有一个潜在的变化,即宪法内容出现在了第四张试卷中。这意味着司法考试从重知识、重实践向重基本理论方向转化。这一…     

维护宪法权威与修改宪法

我国现行宪法是好的,宪法的稳定是国家稳定的基础。但社会实践不断发展,宪法也要随着实践的发展而发展与完善,应该修改而不修改,不利于维护其权威。党的十六届三中全会为修改宪法指明了正确方向。     

The mandatory notification of data breaches: Issues arising for Australian and EU legal developments

Public and private sector organisations are now able to capture and utilise data on a vast scale, thus heightening the importance of adequate measures for protecting unauthorised disclosure of personal information. In this respect, data breach notification has emerged as an issue of increasing importance throughout the world. It has been the subject of law reform in the United States and in other jurisdictions. This article reviews US, Australian and EU legal developments regarding the mandatory notification of data breaches. The authors highlight areas of concern based on the extant US experience that require further consideration in Australia and in the EU.     

宪法的稳定性与稳定性的宪法——以中美宪法文本的比较为视角

宪法的稳定性既是维持宪政秩序有效运行的基础,也是宪法作为根本法的原则性和作为法律的规范性的具体要求。美国宪法具有较强的特定性,它是通过民众对宪法精神的敬畏与信仰,以及宪法文本的独特品质与最高法院的宪法解释等途径实现的。探索《美国宪法》稳定性的深层背景,检讨我国《宪法》文本的缺失与不足,对于我们如何处理宪法的稳定性与适应性的关系,完善我国的宪法解释与宪法修改制度,都具有十分重要的借鉴意义。     

On the Relationship between Constitution of CPC and Constitution

文本意义上,党章与宪法分属不同规范体系,党章为全体党员的根本章程而宪法为全国各族人民的根本大法.调整党员内部关系是党章的本分,调整国家与公民之间的社会关系是宪法的本分.政治意义上,党章与宪法密不可分,二者的关系彰显着中国共产党执政权的合法性问题.人民主权理论是党章与宪法的政治契合,党章总纲与宪法序言是党章与宪法的文本契合.党章与宪法的契合途径表现为:党的活动必须立于宪法框架内;宪法的制订与修改须体现党章蕴含的政治价值与理念.     

论党章与宪法的关系

文本意义上,党章与宪法分属不同规范体系,党章为全体党员的根本章程而宪法为全国各族人民的根本大法。调整党员内部关系是党章的本分,调整国家与公民之间的社会关系是宪法的本分。政治意义上,党章与宪法密不可分,二者的关系彰显着中国共产党执政权的合法性问题。人民主权理论是党章与宪法的政治契合,党章总纲与宪法序言是党章与宪法的文本契合。党章与宪法的契合途径表现为：党的活动必须立于宪法框架内;宪法的制订与修改须体现党章蕴含的政治价值与理念。