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Lame‐duck sessions of Congress have become increasingly common of late. Such sessions are marked by higher levels of ideological and participatory shirking among departing members, creating a more uncertain legislative environment. I investigate the consequences of such shirking on coalition formation and roll‐call behavior. I analyze House roll‐call votes held in the 12 congresses that convened lame‐duck sessions from 1969 to 2010 (91st to 111th Congresses) to assess how roll‐call behavior changes across sessions. I find subtle but statistically significant changes across sessions consistent with claims regarding greater uncertainty in roll‐call voting in lame‐duck sessions.  相似文献   

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To circumvent the law by evading regulation and obscuring their identities in routine analyses, numerous substituted cathinones have entered the illicit drug market. These compounds have been coined “bath salts” by users. In the described case, the laboratory received an unknown white powder for controlled substances identification. The sample could not be immediately identified using standard methods and procedures. Ultimately, the structure was elucidated using GC‐MS, NMR, FTIR, GC‐SPIR, UV, and color tests to be 1‐(2,3‐dihydro‐1H‐inden‐5‐yl)‐2‐(ethylamino)pentan‐1‐one (bk‐IVP), a cathinone analog with a rarely observed nonoxygenated bicyclic ring system. Features of spectra and chemical tests are reported that distinguish this class of cathinones from heterocyclic analogs.  相似文献   

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A number of studies suggest that the gender of a legislator affects his or her congressional ideology. We argue that these studies may have produced misleading results because of insufficient controls for constituency influences. To better account for constituency effects, we use a longitudinal research design based on electoral turnover, which holds constituency constant while allowing gender and party to vary. We apply ordinary least squares regression to data from the 103d, 104th, and 105th Houses of Representatives and estimate the effect of gender turnover on changes in DW‐NOMINATE roll‐call voting scores. We find that, when we sufficiently control for both party and constituency influences, gender is not a determinant of the liberalness of a representative's roll‐call voting behavior.  相似文献   

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What effect do electorally successful third parties have on congressional roll‐call votes? There is widespread belief among scholars that third parties influence the policies of the major parties, but there is little systematic evidence of this influence. I exploit the unique historical context surrounding the Populist Party formation in 1892 to examine the effect of the Populist Party's electoral success on congressional roll‐call votes related to Populist issues. The results are consistent with two claims. First, co‐optation of the Populist Party's issues occurred even before the formation of the party. Second, the co‐optation of Populist policies does not appear to be correlated with the electoral success of the Populist candidates.  相似文献   

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While Congress can attempt to overrule constitutional decisions of the Supreme Court by initiating the constitutional amendment process, an amendment is rarely a practicable option. Instead, Congress regularly tries to modify the impact of constitutional decisions with ordinary legislation. I analyze policy‐based responses to the Supreme Court's constitutional decisions that were initiated in Congress between 1995 and 2010. For each responsive proposal, I consider the relationship between the proposed legislation and the Court's legal holding and the relationship between the proposal and the public policy associated with the Court's decision. I find that Congress enjoys considerable success in reversing the policy impacts of the Court's decisions but is limited in its ability to overcome the Court's legal rules.  相似文献   

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《Federal register》2000,65(226):70305-70307
The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is classifying the Anti-Saccharomyces cerevisiae (S. cerevisiae) antibody (ASCA) test system into class II (special controls). The special control that will apply to this device is a guidance document entitled "Guidance for Industry and FDA Reviewers: Class II Special Control Guidance Document for Anti-Saccharomyces cerevisiae (S. cerevisiae) Antibody (ASCA) Premarket Notifications." Elsewhere in this issue of the Federal Register. FDA is announcing the availability of this guidance document. The agency is taking this action in response to a petition submitted under the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (the act) as amended by the Medical Device Amendments of 1976, the Safe Medical Devices Act of 1990, and the Food and Drug Administration Modernization Act of 1997. The agency is classifying these devices into class II (special controls) in order to provide a reasonable assurance of the safety and effectiveness of the devices.  相似文献   

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The rise in improved and widely accessible printing technology has resulted in an interest to develop rapid and minimally destructive chemical analytical techniques that can characterize printing inks for forensic document analysis. Chemical characterization of printing inks allows for both discrimination of inks originating from different sources and the association of inks originating from the same source. Direct analysis in real‐time mass spectrometry (DART‐MS) and attenuated total reflectance Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (ATR‐FTIR) were used in tandem to analyze four different classes of printing inks: inkjets, toners, offset, and intaglio. A total of 319 samples or ~ 80 samples from each class were analyzed directly on a paper substrate using the two methods. DART‐MS was found to characterize the semi‐volatile polymeric vehicle components, while ATR‐FTIR provided chemical information associated with the bulk components of these inks. Complimentary data results in improved discrimination when both techniques are used in succession resulting in >96% discrimination for all toners, 95% for all inkjets, >92% for all offset, and >54% for all intaglio inks.  相似文献   

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Research on congressional parties assumes, but has not directly shown, that party size affects individual members' calculations. Drawing on a key case from the nineteenth‐century House—the secession‐driven Republican hegemony of 1861—this article explores the hypothesis that party voting not only declines but also becomes more strongly linked to constituency factors as relative party size increases. The analysis reveals that the jump in party size coincides with (1) a decrease in party voting among individual continuing members, (2) a strengthening association between some constituency factors and party voting, and (3) patterns of decline in individual party voting that are explained in part by constituency measures.  相似文献   

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