The Structure of Budget Demands in Denmark, Norway And Sweden

Data on people's attitudes to items on the public budgets are found in the International Social Science Programme (ISSP) Role of Government surveys and Danish national election surveys 1990–1998. These data are factor analysed to validate a three-way agenda that postulates three main goals or functions of the state: the authoritarian state, the welfare state, and the humanitarian state. The factor solution is very similar in Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and the four largest European Union (EU) countries, and on many points consistent with theories of value change and new politics.
Based on the factor analysis, the support for each of the three agendas is analysed for voters of different parties in the three Scandinavian party systems. We find that all three systems are structured in at least two dimensions, the welfare dimension and the humanitarian vs. authoritarian dimension. These data therefore point to the existence of a 'new politics' dimension that is similar in the three party systems insofar as it contains the same five budget items. However, the opinion climate differs somewhat between the three countries. The support for the humanitarian agenda is lowest in Norway, whereas the support for the authoritarian agenda is highest in Denmark.     

Immigration as a political issue in Denmark and Sweden

Abstract.  Studies of party politics and party competition in West European democracies all point to diversification. Non-economic issues such as the environment, refugees and immigrants or law and order have become increasingly central to party politics. However, there has been surprisingly little interest in explaining variation across time and countries concerning which issues actually become central to party competition. From the sparse literature, two general answers can be discerned. One is societal, focusing on mass media coverage, public opinion and the development of the policy problems related to the issue. The other focuses on the structure of party competition itself – more precisely on the incentives for different parties in drawing attention to different issues. This study stresses the importance of the latter based on a study of the immigration issue in Denmark and Sweden. Party political attention to this issue in the 1990s has been considerably stronger in Denmark than in Sweden. This can be explained by the different strategic situation of the main stream right-wing parties in the two countries. Focusing on the immigrant issue easily leads to a conflict with the centre-right, especially social liberal parties. In Sweden, such a conflict would undermine mainstream right-wing attempts at winning government power. In Denmark, the Social Liberals governed with the Social Democrats in the 1990s, which made it attractive for the main stream right-wing parties to focus on the issue in order to win government power based on the support of radical right-wing parties.     

Foreign Policy Objectives: Left Socialist Opposition in Denmark, Norway and Sweden

Due to their foreign policy opposition, the left socialist parties in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden remain among the few parties in Western democracies that lack governmental experience. When political parties confront political issues, they can either choose a competitive or a cooperative strategy. The Norwegian and Swedish left socialists chose competition when the EU issue appeared on the scene in the early 1990s. The Danish Socialist People's Party, on the other hand, opted for a cooperative strategy and accepted EU membership and the 1993 Edinburgh Agreement. Drawing on coalition theory, this article asks why.     

Class Power and Participatory Equality: Attitudes towards Economic Democracy in Denmark and Sweden*

Proposals for capital sharing (i.e. the spreading of ownership rights to productive assets), also known as 'economic democracy', have been advanced by the trade unions in both Denmark and Sweden. In view of their redistributive intent, these schemes have met surprisingly little enthusiastic response in traditional labor constituencies. The article makes an attempt to explain why . An examination of wage earner attitudes (which goes into greater detail for Denmark) shows that the presently entertained proposals appeal in a cross-cutting manner to conflictual notions of class power and participatory opportunity. The result is a fragmentation of wage earner support.     

中国对马克思主义革命道路理论的坚持与发展

马克思主义革命道路理论,主张无产阶级通过暴力革命推翻资产阶级腐朽统治,建立无产阶级政权,最终建立起社会主义国家。这一理论在列宁领导的"十月革命"中得到了成功的运用。毛泽东同志在领导中国革命的实践中,着眼于中国是农业大国、城市中工人势力弱小的具体国情,在坚持马克思主义暴力革命学说的基础上,独创了"农村包围城市,武装夺取政权"的道路,坚持和发展了马克思主义革命道路理论。     

科研项目诚信保证金制度建设之构想

诚信保证金制度旨在通过科研主体的自我承诺和第三人监督,从制度、道德、文化多个层面来强化科研主体的责任感,净化科研群体的纯洁度,全面构建科研诚信体系,塑造公平、有序、良好的科研环境。作为承诺制度的重要组成部分,科研项目诚信保证金制度有明确的经济鼓励和惩罚作用,也对科研诚信信息体系提供了科研诚信行为的基本素材。诚信保证金可以设立两种管理模式,一是遵循我国目前科研经费管理模式不变,仍然由科研项目管理机构在科研项目的经费中专设一定比例的保证金,专项管理。二是在科研项目管理机构外设置科研诚信审查机构。     

Estimating the Impact of Education on Political Participation: Evidence from Monozygotic Twins in the United States,Denmark and Sweden

In this study we provide new evidence on the much-discussed effect of education on political participation by utilizing the quasi-experiment of twinning. By looking at the relationship between education and participation within monozygotic (MZ) twin pairs we are able to circumvent traditional sources of confounding of the relationship rooted in genes and early life family environment because MZ twins share both. The results of within-twin pair analyses based on surveys from the United States, Denmark and Sweden show that while the relationship between education and political participation is highly confounded by genes and/or familial environment in all three countries, a positive impact remains of years of education in the US and of high school completion in Denmark. No effect is found in Sweden. Robustness checks suggest that the observed effect is not confounded by within-twin pair differences in prenatal environment nor differential treatment during childhood, and, if anything, that it most likely constitutes a lower bound estimate.     

The Disappearance of a Gender Gap: Tolerance and Liberalism in Denmark from 1971 to 1990

Bad on data from Denmark, the paper examines the development of gender differences in political tolerance during the 1970s and 1980s. There was a large gender gap in tolerance at the beginning of the 1970s. which had totally disappeared by the end of the 1980s. The analysis shows that at the beginning of the 1970s. the gender gap is partly explained by differences in political involvement. Interpreted as a result of the different political socialization of men and women. However. part of the difference is unchanged by any control. and this "unexplained" difference is interpreted as the result of a specific female culture. Against this background, it is surprising that the gender difference in political tolerance has vanished only twenty years later. The paper argues that, during these twenty years. a cultural shift has taken place in Denmark. merging the female and male cultures. and eliminating the hitherto 'unexplained' gender difference.     

The margins of security: Politics and economics in Sweden

The strong military defense posture is perhaps the most well-known attribute of the Swedish security policy. A military-industrial policy of self-sufficiency is often described as a necessary condition for the peace-time credibility of Sweden's nonaligned position and will to stay neutral in war. What is not so well known are the underlying premises, costs involved and the alternatives rejected. This article analyzes national and international developments with important implications for the future. When the suit of the traditional Swedish security policy becomes too small, the margins of security become apparent.     

和平发展道路:意义、机遇、挑战与国际战略

以胡锦涛为核心的党中央从国际国内的新形势出发,提出了和平发展的道路,确立了21世纪中国的国际战略和对外方针。和平发展道路是以往中国发展经验的总结,是对世界历史上大国武力崛起旧道路的扬弃。坚持和平发展道路就是坚持独立自主的和平外交方针,实现中国自身发展,又以中国的发展促进世界和平和各国共同发展。     

The Nature of Declining Party Membership in Denmark: Causes and Consequences

Declining party membership in Denmark is analysed in light of the general development of political participation in the 1970s and 1980s. It is demonstrated that the decline in party membership had nothing to do with a general decline in participation. The decline is rather the result of three different processes: (1) the declining number of farmers, (2) the weakening of the organization of the workers, and (3) the political mobilization of the new middle class and women. It is argued, therefore, that the causes of the decline are primarily demographic and socio-economic. It is furthermore argued that the declining membership threatens the traditional mobilizing and socializing functions of the parties and thereby may increase political inequality in the Danish society.     

State and Capital in Sweden: The Importance of Corporatist Arrangements

In what way does corporatist representation change the behaviour of participating organizations? The classical question is whether the interest organizations' representatives are captured or not. Sweden is one of the countries in which the class-based interest organizations are heavily represented in the central public administration. The importance of corporatist arrangement in this area in Sweden is due to the fact that the task of implementing government policy is largely given to semi-independent directorates. Since the early 1970s, the major business organization in Sweden has been strongly demanding cuts in public spending. As it is represented in some of the most important, and expanding, public agencies of the Swedish welfare state, it could be expected that their representatives would demand a decrease in the agencies' yearly budget proposals. During a ten-year period (1974–1983), there is no sign of such behaviour of the business organization's representatives in these corporatist institutions. On the contrary, business in Sweden can be said to have been more generous with the taxpayers' money than both Social Democratic and bourgeois governments have found possible. Assuming that both its general demand for cuts in public spending and its specific action in the corporatist institutions are rational, it is discussed how this seemingly contradictory behaviour of Swedish business can be explained. The starting point for the debate about corporatism is the organizations' increasing influence on the state. The Confederation's standpoint is that this influence has now reached such a level that there is need for a change On various occasions. representatives of other interest organizations have also emphasized the importance of keeping a clear-cut distinction between the area of political responsibility and the area of the organizations' responsibility. In political issues it is the politicians' duty to weigh up the different judgments and standpoints and to come to a common public interest. The interest organizations' task is to pursue their special interests. These interest organizations should not take part in decisions in the political sector. I f this were to happen the special interests would have too much influence on the political decisions.