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如果没有医患对立的社会背景,吴光禹醉酒殴打医生仅是治安事件,可能不会引起那么多人的关注。如果吴光禹没有成为街谈巷议的对象,母亲司永珍也许不会选择跳楼。那么,悲剧究竟该归罪于谁?可怜之人必有可恨之处,可恨之人必有可悲之苦。 相似文献
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Nora Skopek Kathrin Kolb Sandra Buchholz Hans-Peter Blossfeld 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2012,22(2):163-187
Recently, a growing number of researchers claim that income is only one dimension of social inequality. Neglecting wealth as a more profound measure of an entity??s financial situation can lead to a misleading or even wrong understanding of social inequalities. This article examines the relationship between income and wealth among elderly people in 13 European countries and tries to answer the following two research questions: Are the income-rich also the asset-rich? And what is the composition of wealth within different income groups? The analyses show that higher wealth often goes along with higher income, whereas a high income does not necessarily correlate with high wealth. Instead, in relation to the amount of wealth they possess, the asset-rich do not dispose of a high income. This may be an indicator that income is not the most important mechanism for the accumulation of wealth in the upper part of the wealth distribution. In general the wealth portfolio of asset-rich households is much broader and therefore less ??crises-prone?? than of the asset-poor. Homeownership is the central component in the wealth portfolio of households. For the lowest income quartiles it is often the only meaningful asset. Summing up, the previous income-based definition of poverty and wealth proves to be inadequate. Analyzing wealth in addition to income, it may turn out that the often proclaimed problem of old-age poverty has been either under- or overestimated. 相似文献
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The following is the edited text of the presentations at the September 30, 1999, meeting of the Sadat Forum at Brookings, cohosted by Richard Haass, vice-president and director of Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution, and Shibley Telhami, the Anwar Sadat Chairfor Peace and Development at the University of Maryland. 相似文献
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这个问题逐日变得越来越引起最不同的政治力量,其中不少是反对派政治力量的兴趣。数百万共产党员完全有权想参加到为之献出自己一生中最美好东西的党的队伍中来。原来党的领导者,今天已失去事业,他们当然不会反对“摆脱羁绊”,返回自己原有的领导者宝座和一切与此有关的东西。与此同时,现今尚未资产阶级化的某些阶层,被天塌和危机所吓坏,希望在自己即使是暂时的同盟中仍有虽非万物有灵的苏联共产党,以帮助他们减轻命运的打击,钝化国内反复辟运动的尖锐性。决非偶然在三星期的被迫沉默之后。叶利钦本人在《真理报》上居然建议要采取“不管怎样,但总是民主的政策方针”,看来,俄罗斯总统可能也要来 相似文献
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Kathryn Hendley 《后苏联事务》2016,32(6):491-511
The article explores Russians’ satisfaction with their experiences in court and with the legal system more generally. The analysis draws on a nationally representative survey of Russians, fielded by the Levada Center in 2010. The results show that most court veterans believe that the decision in their case was just, and that the judge treated them well. But these positive feelings do not extend beyond their case. Russians who have no court experience tend to have more favorable views about the legal system than do court veterans. These findings serve to remind us of the difficulty of building confidence in the legal system in post-Soviet Russia. 相似文献
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The degree of ethnic educational inequality varies across countries, as international educational surveys have shown. Previous studies suggest that institutional and societal characteristics of destination countries partly account for this variance. The article builds upon these recent findings and upon hypotheses with regard to the relationship between welfare states and immigration and integration processes. It is assumed that two different societal dimensions, namely egality and diversity of the destination countries structure educational decisions of immigrants. Thus, at least partly, the individual control has its educational success revoked. This is why this article speaks of a process of cognitive exclusion. With data from PISA 2003 and 2006 we examine the effects of welfare state institutions and diversity of host countries on individual educational success by applying multilevel regressions. The results show that strong welfare states reduce the individual risk of cognitive exclusion, contradicting common ??moral hazard?? assumptions. 相似文献