Auf dem Weg zu einem europäischen Verwaltungsfeld? Zur Soziologie der Bürokratisierung Europas am Beispiel des Gemeinsamen Europäischen Asylsystems

The article deals with the bureaucratization of Europe. Looking beyond the policy and judicial levels, it aims to ascertain whether the European integration process also affects the “street level” of administrative practices. Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of practice and fields is used to transcend the institutionalist bias of previous research and focus more attentively on administrative practices. The analysis looks at the Common European Asylum System to illustrate that bureaucratization unfolds through the interconnection of practices between member states and the establishment of joint administrative procedures. Especially the Dublin Regulation has implemented cross-national administrative routines of record keeping, case management and responsibility sharing. These routines are highly formalized and objectified. They operate on the basis of electronic databases and software programs that standardize work processes and reduce the space of decision-making. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of these developments.     

Von Westfalen nach Kosmopolis? Die Problematik kultureller Identität in der europäischen Politik

?Westfälisch“ inspirierte Analysen des europäischen Integrationsprozesses behaupten, dass kulturelle Heterogenität die Bildung eines gemeinsamen politischen Willens der Europäer verhindert. Demgegenüber leitet sich für ?kosmopolitische Demokraten“ der normative Reiz der EU gerade aus der Notwendigkeit ab, eine politische Gemeinschaft neuen Typs zu konstituieren, die historisch erstmals tatsächlich rein ?zivile“ Wurzeln hat. In Abgrenzung zu diesen Positionen geht der folgende Beitrag davon aus, dass die Regulierung des kulturellen Pluralismus auf europäischer Ebene von den Widersprüchen gekennzeichnet ist, die der institutionellen Entwicklung der EU generell zugrunde liegen: Während das intergouvernementale Prinzip die Rolle der Nationalstaaten hervorhebt und dem Schutz der entsprechenden ?Nationalkulturen“ einen hohen Stellenwert beimisst, eröffnet der europäische Transnationalimus auf der anderen Seite jedoch auch Möglichkeiten für die Artikulation kultureller Identitäten unterhalb und jenseits der Nationalstaaten und trägt damit in gewissem Umfang zu einer ?enationalisierung“ politischer Kulturen bei. Am Beispiel der Sprachpolitik lässt sich diese Situation gut illustrieren. Im Schlussteil befasst sich der Beitrag mit dem Potenzial des Subsidiaritätsprinzips für ein ?reflexives Identitätsmanagement“ in der EU.     

Die Bewältigung wirtschaftlicher Unsicherheit. Zum Pragmatismus der Soziologie der Konventionen

In which way exactly is the New French Pragmatic Sociology pragmatic? The specific “pragmatic anthropology” of the French Convention School is based on two theoretical concepts: The concept of the reality test and the concept of change between regimes of action. It is argued that the pragmatic quality of the reality test depends on the concept of change between regimes of action. This argument is situated in an examination of the historical pragmatism of William James and John Dewey and is then methodically demonstrated by an economic sociological case study on CO₂-trading. The concept of change between regimes of action allows the observation of peoples’ movements between the public and the private in order to resolve the inescapable uncertainty of the collective situation. In doing so, the French Convention School enhances the understanding of economic action and the paradoxical processes of order.     

Die Entwicklung der Europasoziologie aus der Differenz national/europäisch

The terms ?national“ and ?European“ mark different spacial frames which are relevant for the interpretation as well as political regulation of the society. In the case of progressive European integration, these spacial frames are increasingly compete. Attitudes and interests of different actor groups relate to these spacial frames, thus turning ?national“ and ?European“ into the poles of a conflict relationship. In this way tensions become visible, which are crucial for the Europeanization of society hence fundamental for the development of the Sociology of Europe. Sociology needs to be adapted to this constellation by overcoming its nationally framed categories and by understanding spacial frames that develop in practice as empirical data and thus as a part of its subject.     

Einkommensreich – verm?gensarm? Die Zusammensetzung von Verm?gen und die Bedeutung einzelner Verm?genskomponenten im europ?ischen Vergleich

Recently, a growing number of researchers claim that income is only one dimension of social inequality. Neglecting wealth as a more profound measure of an entity??s financial situation can lead to a misleading or even wrong understanding of social inequalities. This article examines the relationship between income and wealth among elderly people in 13 European countries and tries to answer the following two research questions: Are the income-rich also the asset-rich? And what is the composition of wealth within different income groups? The analyses show that higher wealth often goes along with higher income, whereas a high income does not necessarily correlate with high wealth. Instead, in relation to the amount of wealth they possess, the asset-rich do not dispose of a high income. This may be an indicator that income is not the most important mechanism for the accumulation of wealth in the upper part of the wealth distribution. In general the wealth portfolio of asset-rich households is much broader and therefore less ??crises-prone?? than of the asset-poor. Homeownership is the central component in the wealth portfolio of households. For the lowest income quartiles it is often the only meaningful asset. Summing up, the previous income-based definition of poverty and wealth proves to be inadequate. Analyzing wealth in addition to income, it may turn out that the often proclaimed problem of old-age poverty has been either under- or overestimated.     

Eine Soziologie ohne Objekt?

Der Aufsatz führt das Objekt in die Konzeptualisierung von Gesellschaft ein und zeigt, wie hiermit der Konflikt zwischen ?Mikro“- und ?Makro“-Ansätzen der sozialen Ordnung gelöst werden kann. Die Analyse, die zentrale Paradigmen der Soziologie, der Ethnomethodologie und der Anthropologie kritisch befragt, führt zu einer veränderten Konzeption des Akteurs und des Handelns: Indem diese Konzeption die Intersubjektivität durch die Interobjektivität erweitert, berücksichtigt und symmetrisiert sie die spezifische Leistung menschlicher und nicht-menschlicher Akteure im Kontext ?gerahmter Interaktionen“, welche die menschliche Gesellschaft von der der Paviane unterscheidet.     

Die Osterweiterung der Europäischen Union und die Bedeutung kollektiver Identitäten

Auf der Grundlage eines historisch-soziologischen Ansatzes stellt dieser Beitrag eine Analyse der Osterweiterung der Europäischen Union und der darin eingebetteten kollektiven Identitäten in einem west- und osteuropäischen Vergleich vor. Er geht grundsätzlich davon aus, dass der Prozess der Osterweiterung im Kontext der Rekonstitution der europäischen Zivilisation als einer Rekonstruktion ihrer historischstrukturellen: sozioökonomischen, politischen wie kulturellen Ungleichheitsmatrix analysiert werden muss. Für den Prozess der Osterweiterung, seine Grundlagen, Sequenzen und zukünftige Entwicklungsrichtung spielen dabei vor allem auch die kollektiven Identitäten und ihr wechselseitiger Bezug auf der west- wie osteuropäischen Seite eine zentrale Rolle. Auf der westlichen Seite zeigt die vergleichende Analyse Frankreichs, Deutschlands, Großbritanniens und Schwedens gegenüber Osteuropa eine grundsätzlich westlich-zivilisierende, allerdings je nach Struktur der nationalen Identitäten und politischen Kulturen unterschiedliche Ausrichtung auf. Auf der östlichen Seite zeigt sich dagegen im Vergleich zwischen Polen, Tschechien, Ungarn und Russland eine ebenfalls je nach Struktur der nationalen Identität unterschiedliche, aber ambivalente: imitative wie defensive Orientierung auf Westeuropa. Diese kulturelle Ungleichzeitigkeit zwischen West- und Osteuropa wird — so die Grundthese — eine entscheidende Rolle in dem faktischen Verlauf der Osterweiterung der Europäischen Union spielen.     

Geordnete Verhältnisse? Vielfalt und Einheit relationalen Denkens in der Soziologie

The concept of relationality has become a fixture in current sociological discussions. At the same time, we are confronted with an uncharted terrain of differing views on what ?relational sociology“ exactly means. Against this background, this article aims to provide insights into relational sociology’s diversity and unity, thereby contributing to a systematic understanding of its fundamental principles. To this end, the paper first reviews the most important sociological traditions and lines of thought relevant for this debate. In a second step, the variety of motives and arguments identified in this process are sorted in order to propose a scheme that distinguishes between four dimensions of relational sociology: 1) ontology-epistemology, 2) social theory, 3) theory of society, and 4) research practice. Finally, in the last section of the paper, the differences and similarities of the respective approaches serve as a basis for the reconstruction of ideal types of relational thinking.     

Bewertungskonstellationen. Theoretische Überlegungen zur Soziologie der Bewertung

The article discusses central research questions currently prevailing in the sociology of valuation. It argues that the perspective of “methodological situationalism”, which currently dominates within valuation studies, overemphasizes “moments” of valuation, and thus ignores trans-situational forces, which are highly consequential in processes of valuation. On the basis of this diagnosis, the article puts forth the concept of “valuation constellations” which allows observing valuations’ transsituativity in a systematical manner. The concept distinguishes different positions – valuee, valuator, and audience – and emphasizes the relevance of their relations in shaping valuations. Moreover, the article underscores that valuation constellations always unfold against the background of trans-situationally valid rules as well as technological infrastructures operating on a trans-situational level. Ultimately, the concept facilitates new research questions for the sociology of valuation.     

Gewalt in Ordnungskonflikten als Problem der erklärenden Soziologie

The article argues that the uprisings during the Arab Spring as well as the riots in either the banlieues of French cities or in London have to be considered as violent conflicts that pose a serious threat to the social orders in which they emerge. These different kinds of social resistance have in common that they communicate more or less developed alternative conceptions of social orders that challenge what has been considered legitimate so far. Until now, sociology has neither successfully explained such kinds of conflicts nor the way they are triggered. Therefore, the article discusses crucial problems of a sociology of violence, i.e. violence as term and concept, theoretical and methodological deficits and, finally, assumptions about the role of violence in conflict-ridden processes of modernization and civilization in general. The article argues that a sociology of violence should concentrate on the nexus of social order and violence in order to explain how and why violent conflicts emerge in specific social contexts. Thus, a sociology of violence should take an effort to reconstruct the crucial social mechanisms that underlie the dynamics of emerging violence in processes of production and reproduction of social order.     

Der European Research Council als Ordnungsanspruch des europäischen Projekts im akademischen Feld

The European Union wants the “European Research Area” to become a process with its own competitive dynamics between national academic traditions and the global hegemony of US research. At first glance, such a Europeanization of Higher Education is vertically posited by the EU Research Framework Programmes. In addition and beyond that, the European Research Council (ERC) establishes a genuinely European academic logic fueled by strategies aimed at scientific autonomy. It does so by creating competition in accordance with meritocratic rules of academic legitimacy. As a result, both governance-oriented and critical idealist elites actively relate to the ERC as a European institution and bestow it with the ability of consecrating academic excellence. As a consequence, they contribute to the discursive construction of a European order characterized by a symbolic and material integration of elites, the opening up of national fields and the primacy of economic competition.     

Der Europ?ische Gerichtshof als Motor der Integration: Eine akteursbezogene Erkl?rung

For nearly five decades, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has developed a decisively pro-European case law and has become the ??engine of integration??. Institutional explanations shed light on the Court??s room for manoevre. They have to be complemented by actor-centered explanations that shed light on the judges?? motives of action. The explanation offered by the following paper is unfolded in two steps. In the first one, the article describes idiosyncrasies of the European law discourse that already shaped the judges before they were appointed. The analysis of the idiosyncrasies corresponds to a scepticism towards the idea of national sovereignty, a belief in the necessity of creative and idealist, law-augmenting judges and a dominance of output-oriented legitimization strategies. In a second step, the article shows that in the sociological sense the ECJ judges constitute a group. While the individual judges share an understanding of the aims and functions of European law, the group develops its own identity and grants status to those who perform successful actions with respect to the common integration agenda. This explanation is more realistic than ??rational choice?? explanations which point to the direct and personal benefits that judges derive from their pro-European case law.     

„Integration“ als Exklusion?

Dieser Beitrag versucht, sich auf der Grundlage einer Medienanalyse, qualitativer Interviews und Gruppendiskussionen dem gesellschaftlichen Umgang mit dem Integrationsbegriff anzunähern. Den Ausgangspunkt der empirischen Untersuchung bildet die Beobachtung, dass sich in der öffentlichen Auseinandersetzung um die legitime inhaltliche Besetzung dieses Begriffs die konfligierenden Ansprüche der Mehrheitsgesellschaft und die Selbstwahrnehmung der von Integrationsgeboten betroffenen Immigrantengruppen spiegeln. Auf dieser Grundlage geht es nicht darum, nach den Motivationen und Strukturen von Integration zu fragen, sondern ?Integrationsrahmungen“ zu untersuchen, d.h. empirisch nachzuvollziehen, wie in deutschen Medien und von den Immigranten selbst der Begriff mit Bedeutung versehen, symbolisch aufgeladen und zur Grundlage politischer Forderungen herangezogen wird. Die Ergebnisse der diskurstheoretisch orientierten Untersuchung zeigen, dass sich ?Integration“ empirisch nicht nur als neutral-deskriptive Kategorie erweist, sondern soziale Lagen von Gruppen ?be-zeichnet“ und auf sie symbolische Macht ausübt, die Gegenstrategien auslöst. Die komparativen qualitativen Fallanalysen verschiedener Migrantengruppen in Deutschland verdeutlichen, dass ?Integrationsrahmungen“ nicht nur Konflikte in Einwanderungsgesellschaften sichtbar machen, sondern sie paradoxerweise auch reproduzieren.     

Politische Redekultur in der Vormoderne. Die Oratorik europäischer Parlamente in Spätmittelalter und Früher Neuzeit

SUMMARY

Procedural delaying tactics (Obstruktion), including filibustering, have been used by parliamentary minorities overwhelmed by large majorities supporting a government. English in origin, they were widespread in Europe by the turn to the twentieth century as a consequence of liberal interpretations of the right to freedom of speech. Apart from England and the United States, the practice was especially prevalent in Austria and Hungary. Barna Mezey examines this issue in Hungary from 1846 until 1939, reviewing the historical, constitutional and legal aspects of obstructive measures and the steps taken against them within a comparative context. The Hungarian manifestation may be divided into simple obstruction (filibustering for several hours per speaker, days for the whole operation), technical (procedural delays, for which frequent lengthy votes were needed), and violent forms such as shouting and the throwing of objects. Only in the last case did Hungarian Speakers not hesitate to take countermeasures, including summoning the police.

After the Dual Monarchy was established, the minority in the Hungarian parliament claimed that its blocking actions were justified as the Compromise of 1867 led the government of Austro-Hungary to pursue policies not in the national interest. The Hungarian parliament was divided between those favouring the dynasty's attempt to create a more unified kingdom and those adhering to the principles of 1848. The latter were deprived of the chance of ever achieving office by the powers granted to the monarch in the Compromise. They felt driven to employ delaying tactics in an organized manner from 1872 onwards, when a proposed change in voting criteria would have greatly restricted the franchise. Another major conflict from 1896 was over measures to reduce the influence of the Church on marriage and to widen freedom of religion, including that for the Jews. An attempt to impose more discipline on debates in 1904 led the opposition to destroy all the furnishings of the debating chamber and precipitated the fall of the government. In 1912 the Speaker, acting for the government, used the police to remove the opposition from the chamber and push through a law introducing a two-year term for military service and other army reforms. Legislation at that time also prohibited procedural delaying measures, and in 1928 severe restrictions were placed on filibustering. The author also analyses the debate at the time among legal experts over the validity of these tactics, at the heart of which lay disagreements on the nature and limits of freedom of speech.     

Warum die Kontrolle abgeben? Die Delegation von Migrationskontrolle aus der Prinzipal-Agent-Perspektive

More and more, management and control of immigration is conducted in an exterritorial form that is beyond the territory of destination countries. The visa procedure in embassies and the reliance on carrier sanctions as well as the cooperation with countries of transit or within the EU’s Schengen area aim at conducting control before migration flows reach the respective country of destination. As all these control practices require the delegation of control measures, the paper identifies four types of exterritorial migration control by relying on a principal-agent framework and develops an analytical frame for studying this type of migration management. Within the visa procedure, exterritorialization is achieved by delegation between different agencies and ministries of countries of immigration. The delegation of control to transport enterprises enables exterritorialization by incorporating private actors. Delegation between sovereign nation states is the mechanism for both the cooperation with countries of transit as well as within the EU’s Schengen area. From a principal-agent perspective, the paper analyzes the logics of delegation, the actors’ rationales as well as the resulting costs of shifting migration control to places beyond national territories.     

Ausbruch aus dem Gehäuse der Economic Governance. Überlegungen zu einer Soziologie der Wirtschaftsdemokratie in transformativer Absicht

The New Economic Governance (NEG) in the European Union is a core element of a neoliberal crisis constitutionalism that has to be seen as blatantly deficient when measured with democratic yardsticks. Strongly normative criticism generates important findings, but ignores the economic dimension of damage to democracy. From the perspective of capitalism theory, the NEG can be recognised as a product of a capitalistic land grab (“Landnahme”) of the political field and as a system of institutions whose functional logic corresponds to the imperative of a crisis-ridden economy characterised by the financial markets. In this context, viewpoints are confirmed that regard the integration of the economic causes of blatant deficits of democracy as an essential element of a new type of inclusive democracy project. The work on a new economic democracy as a core element of such a democracy project thus also becomes a desideratum for a public sociology that wishes to contribute evidence-based knowledge to social disputes.