A failure of imagination: R.G. Casey and Australian plans for counter-subversion in Asia, 1954-1956

This article is a study of some aspects of the non-military response of the Menzies government to the decolonisation of the European empires and the cold war in Asia. In the mid-1950s R.G. Casey, the Minister for External Affairs, was given responsibility by the cabinet to develop a programme of Colombo Plan - educational, cultural, propaganda, intelligence and political initiatives - which the Menzies government hoped would influence the outcome of the cold war in Asia. This article suggests that an examination of these government initiatives reveals some important insights into the nature of the Menzies government's understanding of and response to the revolutionary changes which swept through Asia in the decade after the Second World War.     

The Origins of World History: Arnold Toynbee before the First World War

Arnold Toynbee's ambitious work A Study of History was a phenomenal publishing success in its day, but it came under severe criticism from academic historians. In recent years, there has been something of a Toynbee revival among the proponents of the growing discipline of world history. This article suggests that Toynbee makes a somewhat unlikely founding figure for the broadly liberal and cosmopolitan world history movement, and investigates the very particular origins of Toynbee's vision of world history in the intellectual world of the pre-1914 British Empire, and especially in Toynbee's education at Winchester and Oxford.     

斯大林、苏联外交与冷战的起源

对安全的追求,对于形成斯大林在战前、二战中以及战后不同时期的政策起到了至关重要的作用。从国内政治看,这种政策不仅是动员苏联人民应对斯大林所认为的即将到来的、新一轮同西方的对抗的手段,而且也是巩固他在苏联最高决策层内地位和权力的一个手段。斯大林是苏联在战后关键问题上,诸如东欧的前途、德国问题以及对日占领问题上采取强硬政策的决策者。斯大林努力主导战后东欧国家的政治发展,其主要目标是要沿着苏联西部边界建立一个安全地带。斯大林认为,这一目标同与西方保持良好关系的需要并不矛盾。斯大林希望苏联在东欧的势力范围可以被英美所承认,以换取苏联承认西方在欧洲其他地区的影响。斯大林对东欧的控制,部分原因也是因为担心同英美的合作可能面临失败。然而,斯大林对东欧的控制最终还是被西方认为是挑战西方,从而产生了与他的愿望相反的结果。在这一过程中,苏联对自身安全与意识形态的追求,一方面同西方所坚持的所谓"民主、自决"原则产生了尖锐的矛盾;更为重要的是,苏联的目标同美国日益扩张的在全球的利益发生了严重的冲突,从而使欧洲逐步分裂成为两个敌对的集团。在同西方盟国打交道的过程中,斯大林在较少重要性的问题上,如的里雅斯特问题、其卫星国的赔偿问题以及托管地等问题上表现出灵活性,也愿意作出妥协。而在主要问题上,斯大林则毫不妥协。苏联在战争后期和战后初期对土耳其、伊朗的政策,成为以美国为首的西方国家遏制苏联的主要理由,成为导致冷战爆发的重要事件。就这样,苏联和美国这两个战时的盟友,领导着各自的阵营,开始了长达四十年的冷战。     

Rethinking Race, Gender and Citizenship: Black West Indian Women in Costa Rica, c. 1920–1940

This article brings Afro‐Caribbean women to the fore of a discussion of Costa Rican citizenship. It explores the relationship between ideologies of gender, imageries of black womanhood, and the dialectic of citizenship and exclusion. It examines how the efforts of the black elite to achieve citizenship through assimilation generated inter‐class tension which centred on ideas of female morality. It explores the absence of political platforms for poor black women excluded by such strategies and argues that while Costa Rican feminists succeeded in challenging the ideological system of gender they failed to challenge issues of race and class.     

对大战起源的另一种现实主义解读--评《大战的起源》

人类渴求和平,而战争却一再发生.战争的根源到底是什么?这历来是史学家、政治理论家以及国际关系学者所关注的问题,也是一个见仁见智的问题.美国青年学者、弗吉尼亚大学政府和外交事务系副教授戴尔·科普兰(Dale C.Copeland)独辟蹊径,从一个全新的视角对战争的起源进行了诠释.在他的新著《大战的起源》中,他对关于战争起源的三种流行的现实主义观点进行了剖析和批评,指出了每一种观点的利弊得失,在此基础上提出了自己的理论:动态差异理论(Dynamic differentials theory).通过对历史史料的详细解读,他认为,关于国家间权力的动态差异理论对大战的起源提供了最具说服力的解释.     

Gender, Civil War and National Identity: Women Partisans during the Greek Civil War 1946–1949

This paper focuses on the recovery of the experience of partisan women who fought in the lines of the communist-led Greek Democratic Army (GDA) during the Greek Civil War (1946–1949). It is an extract from a research project which examines the extent to which the symbolism of Greek women in arms has informed the various waves of feminist discourse which have emerged since the founding of the modern Greek nation state. More specifically this work employs the image of the Greek woman warrior as an analytical category to investigate the relationship between militarism, nationalism and Greek feminist politics in relation to key nation-building conflicts of the modern Greek period. As such it belongs to the realm of scholarship informed by an understanding of 'gender' and 'nation' as constructed and contested relational systems of cultural and social meanings. Together the two systems not only shape the political culture in historically specific ways but also legitimate and limit the access of (groups of) people — women as well as men — to national movements as well as to the resources of the nation-state. This paper concentrates specifically on the heavily mythologised women of the GDA. It pays special attention to the historical association of their rebellion with national citizenship rights in post-war Greece.     

Memory and Migration in the Shadow of War: Australia's Greek Immigrants after World War II and the Greek Civil War

Memory and Migration in the Shadow of War: Australia's Greek Immigrants after World War II and the Greek Civil War. By Joy Damousi (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2015), pp.274. AU$145.00 (cloth).     

Francesco Crispi and Italy's Pursuit of War against France, 1887–9

This paper will examine the problems of nation-building in Italy in later nineteenth century Italy, focusing principally on the ideas and policies of the man who dominated the country in the 1880s and 1890s, Francesco Crispi. It will be my contention that Crispi and many of his political contemporaries on both the left and the right were strongly conscious of the mobilising and nationalising potential of "the other", and to an extent manipulated and deliberately exaggerated threats posed both by internal enemies — principally the Catholics and the socialists — and external enemies — above all France. Crispi's attitude to France and the French was complex and highly ambivalent, and I will suggest — using as evidence his speeches, writings, and political actions, above all when prime minister in 1887–91 — that there was an element of disingenuousness in his repeated claims that France was bent on destroying Italy. What Crispi was trying to do was to create a climate of tension that would not only bring the population together, but might also lead on to a war, in alliance with Germany — a war that would finally cement the country's "moral unity".     

Paul D. Cravath, The First World War, and the Anglophile Internationalist Tradition

The First World War played a central role in the creation within the United States of an Atlanticist foreign policy elite or establishment, a group of influential Americans drawn primarily from upper class lawyers, bankers, academics, and politicians of the Eastern seaboard, committed to a strand of Anglophile internationalism which to date has received considerably less scholarly attention than that of Wilsonian universalism. The evolution of the Atlanticist Establishment can be traced in the career of Paul D. Cravath, one of New York's foremost corporation lawyers. For Cravath, in his mid-fifties when the war began, the conflict served as an epiphany, sparking an interest in international affairs that dominated his remaining career. Fiercely Anglophile, he strongly supported American intervention in the war, and hoped that close Anglo-American cooperation would be the guiding principle of post-war international organization. In the 1920s Cravath urged the reduction of both German reparations and inter-allied war debts; he also supported United States membership in the World Court. Before his death in July 1940 Cravath, though initially far from optimistic that his country would once more take arms against Germany in the Second World War, was as staunchly pro-Allied as during the previous conflict.     

Indians are drunks and drunks are Indians: alcohol and indigenismo in Guatemala, 1890–1940

This article explores the ways in which the use of alcohol articulated with the discourse of indigenismo in Guatemala between the late 1890s and the late 1930s. In the first decades of the twentieth century, the public language of alcoholism merged with that of indigenismo. By the early 1930s, during presidency of Jorge Ubico (1931–1944), the theoretical conflation of alcoholism and indigenismo was fully evolved, providing a seamless paradigm for those who would place the credited Guatemala's‘drunken’and‘racially degenerate’indigenous majority with the nation's underdevelopment. The article utilises indigenista literature, newspapers, contemporary legislation and judicial records on the alcohol contraband trade and drunkenness to construct this argument.