The Extra-Parliamentary Tory Party: McKenzie Revisited

This chapter almost coincides with the fiftieth anniversary of Robert McKenzie's British Political Parties , a study which contested that power in the Tory party was centralised in its Parliamentary leadership, with its constituency members having only a marginal influence. The chapter revisits McKenzie's analysis in the light of developments since 2001, particularly the victory of Iain Duncan Smith in that year's 'democratised' Conservative leadership contest.
The chapter argues that Duncan Smith's victory strengthened McKenzie's claim that democratised parties are seldom popular, and describes how IDS, ironically, spawned reforms that diminished his extra-Parliamentary supporters. But the chapter is also an updated reminder that McKenzie underrated grass root power in certain areas - notably candidate selection - and suggests a lesson from the Tories' short-lived revival under Michael Howard, namely that long-term party recovery requires an energised party membership as well as a competent party leader.     

Making the World a Better and Safer Place: The Time for Action is Now

This article argues that the events of 11 September 2001, and their aftermath, have heightened the need both to confront terrorism directly, increase global security and enhance the structures of global governance. The article concentrates on measures to enhance global security and gover-nance. In particular, measures must be taken to address some of the root causes of terrorism: those of economic exclusion, poverty and under-development. The article argues that the World Bank, along with other international financial institutions and the UN system, have a central role to play. The article concludes by identifying four priority areas for international action.     

适度:基于资源环境限制的美好生活满足方式

党的十九大报告确定我国社会主要矛盾已经转化为人民日益增长的美好生活需要和不平衡不充分的发展之间的矛盾。满足"美好生活需要"是一个美好的愿景,基于环境资源限制,它受全球环境资源、国内不均衡不充分发展、社会主义初级阶段的制约。公众、政府、市场和社会对"美好生活"都应选择适度满足方式。     

改革开放是实现中华民族伟大复兴的必由之路

1978年12月召开的党的十一届三中全会,是新中国成立以来党的历史上具有深远意义的伟大转折,由此开启了改革开放历史新时期。十一届三中全会以后改革开放的30年,是中华大地发生巨变、社会主义欣欣向荣的30年,是中华民族在复兴道路上迈出坚实步伐的30年。     

The Limitations of Life-style Strategies: the Ecovillage 'Movement' is NOT the Way Towards a New Democratic Society

This paper compares and contrasts the life-style strategies (like that of the Global Ecovillage Movement) with the transitional strategy for systemic change proposed by the Inclusive Democracy project. The limitations of life-style strategies, as well as those of direct action, the main example today being the anti-globalisation movement, are discussed. It is argued that the differences in strategies reflect paradigmatic differences, i.e. differences related to the respective analyses of the present situation, as well as differences in goals and means.     

浅谈高校学风建设的有效途径

学风建设是高等院校教学基本建设中的核心内容之一,学风建设问题已成为全国各类高校普遍关注的问题。良好学风的形成依赖于高质量教风的促进、人性化管理的保证、教学实践活动的引导、良好考试风气的树立等。学风建设是一项长效工程,在各种因素长期作用下,经过不断整改、不断完善、不断深入而形成,在优良学风建设过程中我们要树立长期治理的意识,做到学风建设常抓不懈。     

Seceding The Canadian Way

The Canadian Supreme Court's 1998 decision on whether Quebechas a right to secede was initially lauded for granting boththe federal government and secessionists their due. The Courtfound there to be an implicit Constitutional right for Quebecto secede, but by negotiation of the terms, not one-sided action.It thus deemed secession both a legal and a political phenomenon.This paper critically reassesses the decision in light especiallyof recent discussions about constitutionalizing secession. Itargues that while a right to "nonunilateral" secession is warrantedon general moral-political grounds, it should not be encodedor interpreted as a constitutional right, nor should it be calledupon except to avoid systematic injustice.     

The Third Way: the Dutch experience

The Third Way in the Netherlands rests upon the institutionalized co-operation between the trade unions, the employers' organizations and the state. During the period of high unemployment in the 1980s this co-operation led to several agreements to moderate wage costs and to reduce statutory working hours with the object of reducing unemployment. In the 1990s,when labour became scarce, new measures were agreed upon to increase participation in the labour market and to boost productivity. Critics of the agreements suggest that the policies adopted by the socio-economic partners in the 1980s, particularly the moderation of wages and the reduction of work time to create more jobs, have a negative effect on the long-term prospects of attaining higher productivity.     

Better Government

The decline in future trend economic growth coupled with the ever increasing demands of an ageing population mean the public sector will need to deliver better for less. This will require a smarter bureaucracy using the latest behavioural advances and using wellbeing as a measure of success. Spending will need to be directed more to prevention rather than cure. Radical tax and benefit reform is needed to make work pay and offset the rise in inequality. Decision making could be improved by attracting more diverse, experienced people into politics by, for example, more use of open primaries, a level playing field for independent candidates and better training. Ministers could be set proper objectives and have constructive appraisals. A proposed Office of Taxpayer Responsibility could screen policies to avoid the worst ones, backed by no evidence, from being introduced as it is very hard to abolish bad policies.     

The Nigerian Federation at the Crossroads: The Way Forward

This article reviews the first fifty years of federal experiencein Nigeria. It distinguishes three phases: an apprenticeshipto "true" federalism phase (1954–1965), a federal dominancephase under military rule (1966–1979 and 1984–1999),and a "muddling-through" phase under civilian rule (1979–1983and 1999 to date). The first phase was characterized by politicaldevolution and intergovernmental competition, during which regionalgovernments recorded tangible results. During the second phase,successive military regimes imposed centralism and federal dominancethat kept Nigeria united but arrested progress toward consolidatingfederal democracy. Civilian administrations under the thirdphase have sought to run the federation in a muddling-throughfashion, including serious political and social tensions, modesteconomic performance, and deepening poverty. Currently, therefore,the Nigerian federation is at a crossroads and has two options:devolution or death.