Do courtship-violent men have characteristics associated with a “Battering Personality”?

Three studies explored the presence of characteristics associated with battering personalities in courtship-violent college men. These characteristics were derived from Signs to Look for in a Battering Personality developed in Fayetteville, AR, to describe wife-batterers. In the first study, two questions measured aggression. In the second and third study, Straus's (1979) Conflict Tactics Scale was also used. Attitudes toward Women (Spence et al., 1973) were measured in the first two studies. Sexual aggression (Koss et al., 1987) was measured in the third investigation. Univariate ANOVAs in all three studies showed that many of the characteristics associated with wife-battering men were also associated with college men who admitted to engaging in low-level courtship violence. However, stepwise discriminant analyses showed that two variables, threats and verbal abuse, were the most predictive of courtship violence in college men. Additional notable associations were found between the use of playful force during sex and self-reported sudden mood swings and/or a quick temper and courtship violence.     

A path analytic approach to the validation of a taxonomic system for classifying child molesters

This study examined the validity of the most recent revision of a taxonomy for child molesters developed at the Massachusetts Treatment Center (MTC:CM3). The taxonomy is distinguished both from earlier versions of this system and from other systems, by three major changes: (a) the partitioning of the regressed/fixated dichotomy into two separate factors-level of social competence and degree of fixation on children, (b) the introduction of a new type (narcissistic) to fill an empirically determined gap between the object-related offender and the antisocial, exploitative offender, and (c) the differentiation of the violence in the sexual offense into nonsadistic and sadistic components. MTC:CM3 was used to classify 177 child molesters who were committed to the Treatment Center. Variables coded from the clinical files were rationally grouped according to developmental period and subjected to principal-components analysis (PCA). The PCA-derived components then were entered into a series of regression analyses. The resulting three path models indicated that the new subtypes created by the aforementioned refinements had distinct developmental courses and adult adaptations.     

Beyond the Law?: The Justice of Deconstruction

This paper offers a close reading of Derridas essay Force of Law that emphasises the twin strengths of a deconstructive approach to questions of law and justice -- textual analysis and political context. Derridas interest is in limit or test cases, and so he engages with the fraying edges of the law, its borders, the frontiers that are most heavily policed because they are most fragile, for example capital punishment, genocide, general strikes and terrorism. Derrida undertakes an exploration of violence through a reinterpretation of Walter Benjamins Critique of Violence. At the heart of Derridas difficult argument is a demand for justice that goes beyond the cataloguing of specific injustices, and beyond the terms of Benjamins critique. The utopian impulse that underpins Force of Law is carried over into Specters of Marx, Derridas recent explicit grappling with the legacy of Marxism. The links between these two texts by Derrida implies a sustained politics of radical commitment on the part of deconstruction, a commitment to future forms of legality and egalitarianism, a theory of justice posited upon prescience rather than precedent.     

Comparing the Social Service Utilization, Exposure to Violence, and Trauma Symptomology of Domestic Violence Female “Victims” and Female “Batterers”

Although some authors have suggested that women batterers may really be self-defending victims, to date, no research has been initiated to empirically support this assertion. This paper describes the design and outcomes of a research project that investigated the similarities and differences between women adjudicated as domestic violence batterers and women identified as domestic violence victims. Findings indicated group similarities in the areas of exposure to violence and social service utilization. Although both groups reported high levels of trauma symptomology, victim scores were significantly higher.     

Continuing barriers to women's credibility: A feminist perspective on the proof process

This article is an expanded version of a paper presented at the Society for the Reform of Criminal Law Conference on Reform of Evidence Law, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada, August 3–7, 1992.     

Status and practices of the legal text

Translated by Isabelle Llasera from Statut et pratiques du texte juridique, in D. Bourcier and P. Mackay (eds.),Lire le droit. Langue, texte, cognition (Paris: Librairie Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence, 1992).     

The statistical prediction of violent behavior

Considerable attention in the popular and professional literature has focused on the relative costs and benefits of using public protectionist versus civil libertarian models of social control. In this article, we develop statistical analogs of these models to predict violent behavior among samples of defendants found incompetent to stand trial in New York State. The societal and personal costs (errors of prediction) of each model are compared and their implications for clinical practice and social policy are discussed.This research was supported in part by PHS Grant MH 20367 from the NIMH Center for Studies of Crime and Delinquency. The assistance of Thomas Arvanites in data analysis and the comments of Monroe Lefkowitz and Mary Evans Melick on earlier drafts of this paper are gratefully acknowledged.     

Terrorism and the law: Historical contexts, contemporary dilemmas, and the end(s) of democracy

Recent proposals by the G7 (and Russia) to clamp down on terrorists and terrorism do not define that which is prohibited. Instead, a threat is communicated which in turn allows, among other things, greater attention to be paid officially to camouflage charities and terrorist use of the Internet. Nevertheless, it is somewhat of a truism to note that terrorist violence is ultimately defined or characterized, for purposes of legal prohibition, within a highly politicized atmosphere. Starting with a short summary of anti-terrorist codification efforts made this century, this article examines some of the security interests cited by governments today in their respective struggles against terrorism. More specifically, it is argued that individual perceptions of personal and societal threat are heightened unnecessarily not only by a constant stream of governmental anti-terrorist rhetoric, but further, by an awareness of official and unofficial methods of anti-terrorist surveillance, and the use to which the information so obtained can be put.     

Silence is not golden: U.S. government efforts to establish national information security strategies

A new threat to national security has been found: electronic information warfare (EIW). It is the hottest (and most overhyped) issue inside the Beltway and encompasses everything from encryption to technology transfer, including both legitimate battlefield applications and ominous defense measures to protect the U.S. economy and culture.     

From coercion to deception: the changing nature of police interrogation in America

Our police, with no legal sanction whatever, employ duress, threat, bullying, a vast amount of moderate physical abuse and a certain degree of outright torture; and their inquisitions customarily begin with the demand: If you know what's good for you, you'll confess. (Ernest Jerome Hopkins, 1931)¹ Today, Ness Said, interrogation is not a matter of forcing suspects to confess but of conning them. Really, what we do is just to bullshit them (William Hart, 1981)² There is an interesting irony at work here: restrict police use of coercion, and the use of deception increases. (Gary Marx, 1988)³ In both popular discourse and academic scholarship one continually encounters references to the tradition-bound police who are resistant to change. Nothing could be further from the truth. The history of the American police over the past 100 years is the history of drastic, if not radical, change. (Samuel Walker, 1977)⁴ A longer version of this paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Society of Criminology in November, 1991.     

Using composite measures in police cynicism research: An application of canonical factor regression

In this paper, a new analytical strategy, the canonical factor regression method (CFRM) is introduced as a tool for constructing indices and measuring reliabilities of those indices from items derived from Niederhoffer's police cynicism index. Data for the project were derived from the survey responses of 574 Illinois police chiefs. Analysis of the data in the present project suggests that CFRM is a useful tool for constructing composite indices. CFRM allowed us to provide a more powerful test of hypothesized relationships between dimensions of cynicism and theoretically salient predictor variables than has previously been possible.     

Measuring Family Violence: The Conceptualization and Utilization of Prevalence and Incidence Rates

The present study argues for a standard conceptualization of prevalence and incidence in family violence research. Reviewing several definitions of both prevalence and incidence in the family violence literature, we identify important inconsistencies in conceptualizations. The use of time frame to distinguish incidence and prevalence seems to have been a main thrust of the conceptual confusion. A gold standard conceptualization is proposed that sees prevalence as the extent to which violent behavior is distributed in the population and incidence as the amount of violent behavior that occurs among those in the population who experience violence. A discussion of rates calculated with other conceptualizations illustrates the need for standardization as well as the utility of the conceptualization in the present study. The calculation of prevalence and incidence rates is exemplified with respect to interpartner violence using Statistics Canada's Violence Against Women Survey (VAWS). Using duration as an independent variable, we also illustrate how the choice of incidence or prevalence rates may affect the operation of risk markers. Given the need for standardization, the relative ease with which this can be accomplished, and the knowledge that research in this area will be conducted well into the future, we conclude with a plea for a standard use of prevalence and incidence among family violence scholars.     

Selective Incapacitation Revisited

The term incapacitation is an important criminological concept that implies that the offender's capacity to commit new crimes is to be concretely obstructed or reduced through confinement. The purpose of selective incapacitation is to select those particularly prone to violence and to incapacitate them. The paper presents a critical analysis of the risk prediction enterprise. The paper addresses the accuracy of prediction, the ethics of prediction, and in particular the research culture within which research on prediction occurs.     

The correlates of spouses' incongruent reports of marital aggression

Husbands' and wives' reports (n=97 couples) of engaging in or experiencing marital aggression were compared to determine congruence. Congruence was defined as spousal agreement on whether either spouse had been nonviolent, mildly violent, or severely maritally violent within the past year. Whereas approximately equal numbers of clinic couples were incongruent for husband and for wife violence (32% vs. 31%), only incongruence for husband violence (H W) was found to correlate with reports of affective and relationship functioning. Incongruent H W wives were more likely to be depressed and angry. H W incongruent wives were also more negative about the inter-spousal communication and rated the relationship as more unsatisfactory for them than did congruent wives. Incongruent H W husbands also perceived the relationship more negatively, but their levels of depression and anger did not differ from congruent H W husbands. These findings were not replicated for spouses who were incongruent for wife violence. Our results support the conclusion that spousal disagreement about H W violence has a more negative impact than does disagreement about wives' level of aggression.     

Political culture,xenophobia and the development of the violence of the radical right in the Federal Republic of Germany

Recently an increasing amount of violent racism has been directed at foreigners in Germany. Current theoretical explanations are deficient because they fail to recognize the historical role of the political culture. This paper argues that political elites are responsible for initiating rhetoric and policy that has created an environment where xenophobic and racist violence can flourish. Positive normalization is defined as a process for the neutralization of the violent Nazi past and the reconstruction of a German nationalist identity. Negative normalization is described as responsible for the decriminalization and trivialization of xenophobic and racist violence. It is argued that unless changes within the German political culture are taken into account, criminological perspectives on the current situation will inevitably be limited.     

European Editors of Economics Journals—A General Discussion

In a final inquiry at the end of the Conference on Editorial Policies the three editors, Bruno S. Frey (Kyklos), Manfred J. Holler (Homo oeconomicus), and Jürgen G. Backhaus (European Journal of Law and Economics), were asked to comment on their editorial policies. They answered by explaining the challenges they were or still are confronted with, which strategies they have already developed to go on and of course what they have learnt from the deliberations at this conference. In their statements they referred to their preceding paper presentations, and the contributions by Wolfgang Bergsdorf, who is the chief editor of Die Politische Meinung, and Peter Senn.