Development's Denial of Social Justice

Abstract

American public administration as a field is “mature” in terms of its identity, roles, knowledge, and open-system nature. Yet it lacks maturity in the sense of an adequate sense of self-worth. This “inferiority complex” is revealed by the field's obsession with two intertwining, persistent themes: a perceived state of societal illegitimacy and of permanent need for reform.     

日本政治与战略“回漩”？

执政的民主党在第22届参院选举中惨败,丢掉过半数席位,日本政治重陷动荡、混沌期,酝酿新一轮格局巨变。但最令人关注的,还是在此变动不居的国内政治背景下,日本政界思潮、政策思想向“前鸠山时代”回流、外交安全政策呈现“返保守化”趋势。对全球、亚太及中国周边局势具有重要影响的日本政治、战略走向问题再度突显。     

预防和减少犯罪的战略举措——上海构建预防和减少犯罪工作新体系的启迪

面对社会变革时期错综复杂的社会治安形势和居高不下的刑事犯罪率,如何实现社会的长治久安,各地都在进行颇有意义的探索,并形成了许多富有创造性的对策措施,其中,上海所构建的预防和减少犯罪工作新体系,值得我们认真地思考。最近,上海针对当前吸毒人员大幅度增长、刑释解教人员重新犯罪率高居不下、闲散青少年犯罪比较突出等现状,从积极防范的要求出发,按照“政府主导推动、社团自主运行、社会多方参与”的总体思路,来推进禁毒、社区矫正和社区青少年管理工作,依托现有体制,组建禁毒、社区矫正和社区青少年事务管理等三个常设机构,作为政府…     

美国与印巴战略对话比较分析

2010年6月1-4日,首轮美国一印度战略对话在华盛顿举行,美方对这次印美战略对话给予了高规格的接待,由国务卿希拉里·克林顿与印度外长克里希纳共同主持此次对话。时隔一个多月,7月19日,美国-巴基斯坦第二轮战略对话在巴基斯坦首都伊斯兰堡举行,对话务实具体,成果丰硕。两次由美国主导的战略对话引发了国际社会的高度关注,也再次引发了美国对南亚地区战略意图的种种猜测。     

E-participation: A Strategic Framework

Despite the rising scientific and practical relevance of e-participation, the field still suffers from a diffuse, heterogeneous state of knowledge and our understanding of successful e-participation strategies and implementation is very limited. This situation is seen as a key reason why e-participation initiatives in practice often fall short of expectations. Against this background, this study compiles the existing insights from the interdisciplinary scientific literature to deduce a unifying definition and propose an integrated strategic e-participation framework that conceptually combines important strategic and organizational factors as well as environmental drivers of e-participation.     

日本跨国公司的战略选择

经历了20个世纪60、70年代的崛起以及80年代的全球扩张,日本跨国公司的海外子公司已遍布世界各地,但仍然以发展中国家为主。因此目前探讨日本海外子公司的人力资源管理,实际上是以在发展中国家的海外子公司为主要对象的。     

Contemplating a New Strategic Future

This article examines the Al-Aqsa Intifada and its impact on the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. It is argued here that the Intifada was the result of long-term frustrations of the Palestinian people with the lack of change as well as the short-term need of the Palestinian leadership for an exit strategy after the Camp David summit. Palestinian strategy aimed at shifting the blame for the failure of Camp David from Yasser Arafat to Ehud Barak and to create maximum international solidarity to pressure Israel into concessions. Yet, closer analysis reveals that despite early successes, the Intifada strategy is one of diminishing returns. Conversely, Israeli crisis management, while taking some initial blows particularly in terms of public image, has proved relatively successful at preventing the erosion of Israeli positions on the ground. Ultimately, however, neither Palestinians nor Israelis will be able to achieve their respective aims of statehood and security without returning to the negotiating table.     

中美战略经济对话的成因与影响

中美经贸关系的新特点回首近30年中美经贸关系的发展历程，虽然贸易摩擦和争端不断，但发展仍十分迅速。中国加入世界贸易组织以来，中美经贸合作进入快速发展期，呈现出更加明显的互利性的特征。28年中，中美贸易额从1979年的不足25亿美元，迅速增长到2007年底的3020．8亿美元，增长了120多倍。这种巨额增长使得中美两国都从迅速发展的互利贸易中获得了巨大的利益。不断发展的中美经贸关系呈现以下新的特点：     

毛泽东国际战略思想的宝贵遗产

作为20纪中国和世界的杰出伟人,毛泽东以其博大的胸怀与超凡的睿智,被举世公认是一位屈指可数的战略家.他对世界风云的敏锐洞察与精辟判断,关于国际战略的恢弘构想与巧妙运筹,在处理重大外交事务中的卓越理论与丰富实践,至今依然熠熠生辉、令人叹服.     

关于中俄关系的战略思考

中俄关系的发展在经历了睦邻友好关系、面向2世纪建设性伙伴关系后进入了21世纪中俄战略协作伙伴关系阶段。发展中俄关系不仅成为两国外交关系中重要的组成部分，而且对于世界的稳定和发展也起着至关重要的作用。未来两国关系发展的道路走向何方将取决于影响两国关系问题的变化和发展，谋求发展、协调发展、和平发展是中俄两国最大的共同战略利益和互利共赢的持续性保障，是中俄战略关系第二个10年关键期的重要任务。     

Explaining Strategic Violence after Wars

This article aims to explain why strategic violence against targeted groups emerges after some civil wars but not others. It argues that when one side has captured the coercive apparatus of the state, and the potentially hostile losing side is less vulnerable to predation, the leaders of the victorious group can reward their domestic constituents and conduct in-group policing to prevent opportunistic violence. But when an armed group fails to achieve state capture and the losing side remains in a vulnerable position relative to its former enemies, neither side can credibly guarantee their domestic allies a share of the resources of the state or conduct effective in-group policing of potential extremists. Using Kosovo and East Timor as case studies, this article shows that in these cases, strategic violence is less a function of a concerted attempt to spoil a settlement than of the internal bargaining of new splinter groups.