Rent dissipation through self-regulation: The social cost of monopoly under threat of reform

This piece offers an alternative perspective on the social cost of monopoly and rent seeking. An existing monopolist whose right is contested in a political market has an incentive to expend resources on direct lobbying efforts while also attempting to defuse reformist opposition. Because the strength of reformist opposition will generally be a function of the monopolist's past, present, and expected future pricing/output decisions, such opposition is endogenous. The probability that an existing monopoly right will be retained depends on both direct lobbying efforts by the monopolist as well as the strength, resolve, and cohesiveness of the reformers. By modifying its output/pricing decision and, in effect, engaging in self-regulation, the monopolist gives up current profits in exchange for the expected future profits associated with retaining its monopoly rights. Such opposition dissipating effort is a form of indirect rent seeking that is complementary to direct lobbying efforts. And unlike the Tullock costs implied by the incumbent's direct lobbying, this form of indirect rent seeking may imply a reduction in the social cost of monopoly.     

Welfare reform and paternity establishment: A social experiment

From March 1988 through September 1989, a demonstration study was conducted in Cuyahoga County, Ohio, on procedures for expediting paternity establishment. The issue of paternity establishment is central to current concerns about child support. In the 1988 Family Support Act, for example, administrative reforms to expedite paternity establishment are prominently featured. The results of the Cuyahoga demonstration provide early evidence of the likely impact of the 1988 reforms. At the implementation stage, the demonstration points up the complex interorganizational dependencies that are likely to limit the impact of mandated performance standards and associated sanctions directed at state and local child support agencies. As to the impact on paternity establishment outcomes, interventions directed at expediting administrative processes are likely to have a positive effect. However, the results of the demonstration indicate that noncooperative behavior among a significant portion of the client population is likely to seriously limit the effectiveness of expedited processes.     

The relationship between participation and managerial autonomy in cuba's basic units of cooperative production: Six case studies

We are pleased to present the following reports on library resources written by Jiri Kende, Departmental Representative of the Social Science Division of the Freie Universitat in Berlin, West Germany, and Mr. Edward P. Kasinec, chief librarian of the New York Public Library's Slavonic Division. Similar reports on other special collections in various countries will be published in forthcoming issues. Mr. Kasinec has been commissioned to write a report on Soviet libraries, which we hope will appear in the next issue.     

Trying not to lose: The electoral consequences of unilateral reform efforts and the social pact formation process

The existing social pact literature claims that governing parties offer social pact proposals because they anticipate they will receive an electoral benefit from social pact agreements. Yet the available data on social pacts inform us that in a substantial minority of cases social pact proposals fail to become social pact agreements. In an effort to better determine the political calculations made by governments before they propose a social pact, this article examines the effect of implementing reform legislation unilaterally, social pact proposals, social pact proposal failures and social pact agreements on the vote share of government parties in 15 Western European countries between 1981 and 2006. It is found that social pact proposals do not have any electoral consequences for governing parties, unilateral legislation and social pact proposal failures reduce the vote share of governing parties, and social pact agreements provide an electoral benefit to parties in minority governments only. These findings suggest that governing parties propose social pacts in a good faith effort to complete a social pact agreement; and that such an agreement is not a way for these parties to gain votes, but to avoid the electoral punishment associated with enacting unpopular reforms unilaterally.     

Child protective intervention in the context of welfare reform: The effects of work and welfare on maltreatment reports

Recent changes in welfare policy have produced changes in parental work and welfare receipt. These factors are assessed in relation to investigated reports of child abuse and neglect using survey data on 1998 welfare recipients in nine Illinois counties, in conjunction with longitudinal administrative data on cash welfare benefits, employment, and child abuse and neglect reports. Trend analyses show that rates of child maltreatment reports among welfare recipients have risen since the passage of PRWORA in 1996. Findings from multivariate analyses indicate that parental employment has a protective effect on reports to child protection systems (CPS), that this effect is greatest when combined with welfare receipt, and that this effect becomes stronger over time. Those who receive welfare in the absence of employment face a significantly greater risk of CPS involvement, even compared with those who neither work nor receive welfare. © 2003 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management     

Managing economic reform: An alternative perspective on structural adjustment policies

The structural adjustment policies of international development organizations have been undermined in many developing countries by weaknesses in administrative capacity to manage economic reforms. If economic reform policies are to be implemented more effectively in the future, international organizations must take a broader view of the development process and assess more carefully the administrative and political capacity of the state to guide the decisions of public and private organizations toward development goals in four policy arenas. The experience of developing countries that were more successful at economic and social development during the 1970s and early 1980s, indicates the characteristics of development administration that policy analysts must assess in order to determine governments' capacity to implement economic reform policies effectively.     

乡村治理:基层民主与社会结构

对于乡村治理的多数研究过分聚焦于基层民主制度的建构与完善本身,忽略了支持这一制度有效运转的社会结构.对于社会结构的分析发现,在乡村治理中,除了能够对基层民主制度起到约束作用的民间组织之外,还有一种类型的组织能够对基层民主制度起到激励的作用.发现和分析这种类型的组织有助于理解为什么在基层民主制度较为薄弱的情况下,在乡村民间组织还未充分发挥作用的情况下,一些地方的乡村治理质量超过了可预期的水平,公共物品与公共服务的供给超过了乡村所需要的最低水平.     

Determinants of success in African local governments: An overview

A potentially useful method for determining how to design viable and competent local government systems is to examine local authorities that function effectively. This paper synthesizes the major findings of seven case studies of ‘successful’ local governments in Sub-saharan Africa, highlighting the principal factors contributing to their success and exploring ways in which they could further improve their performance. The determinants of success identified in the studies include: location in an area with an adequate economic base; well-defined responsibilities in a satisfactory legal framework; capacity to mobilize sufficient resources; supportive central government activities; and appropriate management practices, including development of productive internal and external relations and satisfactory responsiveness to constituents. All of these factors are considered to be necessary, but none is independently sufficient to guarantee success, which is a multidimensional and cumulative process of achievement.     

The effects of welfare reform on the academic performance of children in low‐income households

During the 1990s, U.S. welfare policy underwent dramatic reforms aimed at promoting employment and reducing dependence. Although the immediate effects on adult labor supply and family income have been studied extensively, this paper is the first to evaluate the long‐run effects on children's well‐being. Using a decade of national math achievement data and controlling for contemporaneous changes in education policy and environment, we associate welfare reform with relative test score improvements for low‐income students. Greater gains occur in states with larger initial welfare caseloads and larger caseload reductions.© 2009 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.     

An overview of the state of research on women and politics in Spain

Abstract. This article is an overview of quantitative and qualitative research on women and political decision-making in Spain. Ten parts of the literature are examined including: government and legislative; public administration; political parties; employers' organizations; unions; pressure groups and lobbies; social movements and NGOs and womens' policy machinery. The future prospects of filling the enormous gaps in the research are negative, given the weak institutionalization of gender studies in Spain.     

Energy and social change: An historian's perspective

The dominant model for analyzing the relationship between energy and social change, the “technology assessment” model, is criticized for being technologically deterministic, over-ambitious and insensitive to the political and social context of technology development. Three “lessons from history” are offered:

1. A multiplicity of disciplines, world views and explanatory factors are required to fully understand the relationship between technology and social change.
2. The lack of historical understanding and explicative theory in this field call for modesty in attempts to quantify and predict social impacts.
3. More emphasis should be placed on developing an understanding of the process by which technology is developed and diffused through society.

     

The evolution of Israeli citizenship: an overview

Israel's citizenship discourse has consisted of three different layers, superimposed on one another: An ethno-nationalist discourse of inclusion and exclusion, a republican discourse of community goals and civic virtue, and a liberal discourse of civil, political, and social rights. The liberal discourse has served as the public face of Israeli citizenship and functioned to separate Israel's Jewish and Palestinians citizens from the non-citizen Palestinians in the occupied territories. The ethno-nationalist discourse has been invoked to discriminate between Jewish and Palestinian citizens within the sovereign State of Israel. Last, the republican discourse has been used to legitimate the different positions occupied by the major Jewish social groups: ashkenazim vs. mizrachim, males vs. females, secular vs. religiously orthodox. Until the mid-1980s the republican discourse, based on a corporatist economy centered on the umbrella labor organization – the Histadrut – mediated between the contradictory dictates of the liberal and the ethno-nationalist discourses. Since then, the liberalization of the Israeli economy has weakened the republican discourse, causing the liberal and ethno-nationalist ones to confront each other directly. Since the failure of the Oslo peace process in 2000, these two discourses have each gained the upper hand in one policy area – the liberal one in economic policy and the ethno-national one in policy towards the Palestinians and the Arabs in general. This division of labor is the reason why on the eve of its 60th anniversary as a state Israel is experiencing its worst crisis of governability ever. While Israel's economy is booming and the country's international standing remains high, due to the global ‘war on terror,’ public trust in state institutions and leaders is at an all-time low, so that the government cannot tend to the country's pressing business.