The Cold War and Third World revolution

Much of the Cold War took place in the Third World. The three works authored by Gregg A. Brazinsky, Winning the Third World: Sino-American Rivalry During the Cold War; Jeffry James Byrne, Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization, and the Third World Order; and Jeremy Friedman, Shadow Cold War: The Sino-Soviet Competition for the Third World, are reviewed here and they provide historical details. A consistent theme that emerges is the importance of ideological factors in driving the events are discussed. It is also clear that the Third World states were not passive objects of pressure from great powers but had agendas of their own. These books provide useful material for theorists of international relations and policy makers.     

战后美国劳工运动的特点分析

战后美国劳工运动体现着鲜明的美国特色.其中,浓厚的意识形态色彩、劳工组织的分散性、工会官僚主义等特点严重制约了劳工运动的发展与进步,关系着美国劳工的未来,必须予以重视和改善.     

Keynes and the Non-neutrality of Russian War Finance during World War One

This article examines the particular methods of war finance that were used by Russia during World War One in relation to the total cost of the war, and evaluates them against a theoretical ideal that was outlined by the Cambridge economist J. M. Keynes. It then asks whether there were any consequences of two particular chosen means of financing the war—the issue of large amounts of paper currency and short-term treasury bills—for maintaining Russian economic stability. The evaluations of a number of Russian and British economists are used as gauges of Keynes's advice, and also as more general comparison in relation to the equivalent policies pursued by other Allied countries.     

Fighting World War III: A suggested strategy

Abstract

Utilizing a rational‐actor policymaker model, this paper presents the necessary and sufficient conditions that must be satisfied for the formation of a transnational antiterrorist institution. Such an institution would tie together nations in their struggle against international terrorism. In particular, these institutions could provide crisis management, preemptive strikes, and retaliatory strikes. After analyzing the obstacles to the formation of such institutions, we present a specific proposal for a transnational commando unit. We chose the parameters of the proposed institution so as to maximize the likelihood of initial formation. In addition, we discuss how the transnational commando unit could, if properly designed, surmount the obstacles to formation. As terrorist groups increase their cooperation and stage incidents of a transnational kind, nations will have to turn to such institutions to increase the effectiveness of commando units, eliminate safe havens, and share intelligence. Although our proposal is more modest than those often put forth, once formed, our institution could evolve over time.     

Imagining World War III—In 2034

In 1990, right after the Berlin Wall fell, NPQ published our Spring edition, titled “The New World Disorder,” about the nationalistic chaos and up‐in‐theair sensibility of that fraught new historical moment. Nearly a quarter of a century later, the regime of globalization that had supplanted the Cold War world of blocs is itself coming apart at the seams. Even Henry Kissinger these days says “the world order is crumbling.” Will this New World Disorder 2.0 revert to a system of conflicting blocs, as during the Cold War, or will we be mature enough to save the interdependence of plural identities that is the foundation of a new global civilization? In this section our contributors offer their perspectives on what the future holds.     

Recreating the Third World Project: possibilities through the Fourth World

Abstract

In this paper, we make a theoretical argument that the Third World be returned to its political origins to inspire an updated Third World Project (TWP), revived as a global movement for progressive, anti-imperialist forces, through the Fourth World movement, which highlights internal colonialism. Both the TWP and the United Nations recognise only nation states as full members. We examine how a Third World strategy that brings in the Fourth World, or indigenous, minority and/or stateless groups, can help oppressed groups gain more autonomy and rights through a transnational solidarity rooted in empathy. We trace the intellectual roots and history of the TWP and consider obstacles in bringing together the TWP and the Fourth World movement. A Fourth World strategy corrects the TWP’s implicit approval of an underlying imperialism, and the TWP provides the Fourth World movement a model to accomplish its goal of resisting uncritical modernity.     

'Fortress Europe' and Third World immigration in the post-Cold War global context

This paper examines the conjuncture of economic and political developments in the world economy and demographic and environmental factors that, in the aftermath of the Cold War, have caused millions of immigrants and refugees to migrate worldwide, increasingly to the EU and North America where they are marginalised and have become, with greater frequency, victimised by right-wing political groups. Factors under study include the proliferation of civil wars and ethnic conflicts; the increase of inequalities and poverty on a world scale; the effects of neoliberal economic policies on Third World development; overpopulation, urbanisation and environmental degradation in peripheral sites of the world economy; and the impact of economic conditions in the EU on immigrant and native workers.