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The idea of 'race' was an important part of the post-1945 political and ideological context within which migration from the New Commonwealth began. This is demonstrated by an analysis of an important policy document which provides a foundation upon which to evaluate the character and significance of racism in the subsequent political process. This evaluation contrasts and comments upon rival accounts of the impact of racism offered by writers who have analysed official government files from the period. The paper concludes by arguing against a conception of racism which presumes that it is a constant and unchanging ideological bloc within the British political process.  相似文献   

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In this article I argue that the framing of Social Security in political discourse has associated it symbolically with race. The linkages are subtle and symbolic, and they serve to associate Social Security with whiteness in a mirror image of the association of welfare with blackness. In turn, these associations have racialized white opinion on the program. After discussing the theoretical mechanism by which issue frames can unconsciously associate policies with citizens' racial predispositions, I review the frames surrounding Social Security. Then, drawing on two decades of nationally representative survey data, I demonstrate the racialization of opinion among whites. Using a variety of measures of racial predispositions, I find that racially conservative whites feel more positively about Social Security than do racial liberals. I conclude by considering the implications of these findings for our understanding of racialized politics and for the connections between race, whiteness, and contemporary American politics.  相似文献   

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This article introduces a new way to evaluate the political and theoretical significance of the Carnegie Commission Poor White Study conducted from 1927 to 1932 in South Africa. Building on the recent literature on whiteness and the older literature on scientific racism, I argue that the scientific language about biology and physiognomy that is usually linked to scientific racism must be brought back into conversation with the literary, historical, legal, and cultural analysis of critical whiteness studies to be a more effective scholarly rejoinder to white supremacy. Critical whiteness studies must track the institutional and professional investments in the creation of white supremacy and white nationalism through various colonial relations across geographical and territorial space. In a productive turn toward the specificity of South African history, this essay also makes claims about the nature of whiteness vis-à-vis Afrikaner and British identity that provide powerful antidotes to the historiographical obsession with autochthonous ethnic identities among white supremacists. Finally, through close attention to the actual experiences of “poor whites” a set of moral directives and knowledge claims emerge about the urgency of anti-racist research that makes this racial formation more than simply an add-on in the litany of radical projects.  相似文献   

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In this essay, I examine whiteness along two different axes. First, I discuss, in the context of Richard Dyer's White , the manner in which discussions of whiteness tend to be decontextualised and dehistoricised. Fundamentally, in White , whiteness is represented in terms of a homogeneous and self-identical category. In the second part of my essay, I focus on how racialised bodies, once they are situated within a specific historico-cultural context, complicate and problematise unitary and homogenised concepts of whiteness. I argue that the power and endurace of whiteness emerges out of its historical dispersions and geo-political mobility.  相似文献   

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This study argues that President Obama's strong association with an issue like health care should polarize public opinion by racial attitudes and race. Consistent with that hypothesis, racial attitudes had a significantly larger impact on health care opinions in fall 2009 than they had in cross‐sectional surveys from the past two decades and in panel data collected before Obama became the face of the policy. Moreover, the experiments embedded in one of those reinterview surveys found health care policies were significantly more racialized when attributed to President Obama than they were when these same proposals were framed as President Clinton's 1993 reform efforts. Dozens of media polls from 1993 to 1994 and from 2009 to 2010 are also pooled together to show that with African Americans overwhelmingly supportive of Obama's legislative proposals, the racial divide in health care opinions was 20 percentage points greater in 2009–10 than it was over President Clinton's plan back in 1993–94.  相似文献   

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This article explores the compound machinery of government. Attention is directed toward decision making within the core executive of the European Union—the European Commission. The article studies seconded national civil servants (SNEs) hired on short‐term contracts. The analysis benefits from an original and rich body of surveys and interview data derived from current and former SNEs. The decision‐making dynamics of SNEs are shown to contain a compound mix of departmental, epistemic, and supranational dynamics. This study clearly demonstrates that the socializing power of the Commission is conditional and only partly sustained when SNEs exit the Commission. Any long‐lasting effect of socialization within European Union's executive machinery of government is largely absent. The compound decision‐making dynamics of SNEs are explained by (1) the organizational affiliations of SNEs, (2) the formal organization of the Commission apparatus, and (3) only partly by processes of resocialization of SNEs within the Commission.  相似文献   

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本运用系统论基本原理分析了现行产业结构变动规律研究中的隐含逻辑,指出了其中的错误,并提出了一个分析的逻辑框架。  相似文献   

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任剑涛 《理论探讨》2022,(3):28-38+2
共同富裕作为国策,当下应围绕这一主题推动政策执行,而非拘执于学术探讨,但为帮助人们深入理解共同富裕问题,仍然有必要从学术视角分析共同富裕问题。需要在学术视角确立理解共同富裕问题的三个视点:一是它的出台背景;二是它的政策工具;三是它的实现措施。只有在对这三个问题进行学理分析的基础上,人们才能更加清晰地理解共同富裕问题是将中国发展结构之变推向台面的大问题。同时,在确立起更为广阔的比较框架基础上,分别从共同富裕的国内与国际两个视角更为全面地看待共同富裕问题,也才足以真正理解实现共同富裕究竟意味着什么,这比之于不问究竟地赞许更有理论意义和实际价值。  相似文献   

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Richard Sakwa 《政治学》1996,16(3):175-186
Accused of having failed to predict the fall of communism, Russian studies after 1991 has struggled to redefine its identity and to adapt to the challenge of a more open field. Do the skills honed to understand an essentially closed system remain relevant for the study of a dynamically changing society committed to international political and economic integration? Do area studies have a future or should Soviet and post-Soviet analysis become part of comparative politics and transition studies? Is there something unique about Russian studies, and if so, what language can we use to describe this essential 'difference'? Russian studies has now been 'normalised', integrated into the mainstream social science disciplines, but there remains the danger that this might be at the price of losing some sensitivity to factors that make Russia 'Russia'.  相似文献   

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Codispoti  Frank 《Publius》1987,17(2):41-52
Ambition theory posits a relationship between the office goalsof politicians and their political behavior. The goals are assumedto be structured by a hierarchy of offices. Any change in therelationships among offices would affect our expectations ofthe behavior of those in the offices. This article reports onone such change. The linkage between the governorships and seatsin the U.S. Senate is apparently growing weaker. A theory ofprogressive ambition is used to specify a set of variables thataffect governors' decisions to run for the Senate. The changein the governors' tenure potential—namely, the increasein the length of their terms and the number of terms the governorsare allowed to serve—is shown to be the variable thathas affected governors' decisions to run for the Senate.  相似文献   

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执政体制:概念、结构和特征   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
王建军 《理论探索》2006,4(1):52-54
构建科学的执政体制,是党的执政能力建设的重要内容,是实现科学执政的基础条件。党的执政体制就是党在执政过程中政党、国家和社会政治团体之间政治权力的配置、设置及其形成的规章制度和行为规范的总和。党的执政体制结构指党与其他政治主体之间所形成的政治关系体系,包括党与国家政权的关系、党与民主党派的关系、党与人民群众的关系等。党的执政体制具有阶级性、整体性、动态性的特征。  相似文献   

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