Conflict and cohesion in the British labour party and French communist party

The article examines the differing organisational structures and political cultures which provide the bases for cohesion in the PCF and British Labour Party. It argues that the electoral decline of the two parties since the late 1960s, and the rise of new political forces to challenge their primacy on the Left, have generated growing internal conflict in each case. Despite the greater pressures towards unity in the PCF such conflicts have threatened the existing bases of cohesion in both parties. The article concludes by considering the possibilities of surmounting the current problems.     

改革开放以来中国共产党党内监督的几个发展阶段

党内监督主要是指党为保证人民赋予的权力能规范化运行,依照党纪党法及国家的宪法和法律在党员之间、党组织之间、党员和党组织之间通过评价、揭露、纠偏等方式开展的民主的监察和督促活动。在开展党内监督的过程中,把各级领导机关和领导干部,特别是各级领导班子主要负责人作为监督的重点对象,是健全和完善党内监督机制的关键所在。     

中国共产党思想建设的经验及启示

中国共产党十分注重在思想上建党,这是党的优良传统,也是党能不断应对各种变化的政治优势。中国共产党自成立之初就十分重视党的思想建设工作,推进马克思主义中国化,不断加强理论创新,这是党带领人民取得社会主义建设辉煌成就的原因所在。中国特色社会主义建设的新时代已经到来,更应该加强党的思想建设,以此推动党的建设的伟大工程向纵深发展。     

论中国共产党执政绩效目标的历史演进

中国共产党执政五十多年以来,“发展”的执政绩效目标经历了一个演进的过程。在这个过程中,“发展”目标虽然曾一度受到严重干扰,但最终得以重新确立并不断丰富、完善。这在很大程度上取决于我党对执政意识的正确体认。不断增强我党的执政意识,特别是以与时俱进的精神和品质,不断增强对执政党的执政合法性基础和执政党的执政功能的重要性及其深刻内涵的正确认识,是我党加强执政能力建设不可或缺的重要内容。     

浅析《共产党宣言》的当代启示

<共产党宣言>中包含着极其丰富的全球化思想,特别是经济全球化思想.认真学习和研究这些重要思想,对于科学认识当今全球化思潮、有效应对全球挑战以及积极推动全球化的历史进程具有重要的现实意义.旨在阐述<共产党宣言>中有关全球化的理论,并提出了一些应对全球化的措施.     

中国共产党执政能力研究综述:现状、评价、前瞻

执政能力概念的提出是我们党不断进行理论创新和实践创新的最新成果,是执政党建设和执政党建设理论研究的重大命题和战略课题。中国共产党执政能力问题研究涉及诸多题域,就研究范围而言,主要有执政能力的定义、执政能力的内容、如何提高党的执政能力等等。文章就近年来学术界关于执政能力的研究成果进行了细致梳理和扼要评析,并对今后执政能力研究的重点问题发表了意见和建议,以期起到深化理性认识和拓展相关研究的作用。     

《共产党宣言》社会批判思想的现实启示

本文试图依据《共产党宣言》中的社会批判思想，辩证地分析资本主义在社会发展中的作用，思考在建设社会主义和谐社会的过程中怎样利用资本的积极性，防止其消极性，既能促进效率，又能利于公平，既能利用资本的能量，又能对其有效地控制。思考马克思恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中对资本主义的深刻剖析，以及对后人的警示，利用资本之利，警惕资本之害，以利于改革开放和社会主义建设事业的顺利发展。     

The 2003 Russian Duma election and the decline in rural support for the communist party

The December 2003 Duma election was a landmark in Russian elections, marking a significant decline in electoral support for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF). This article explains the decline of support for the KPRF in the December 2003 election. Our specific focus is on the decline in rural support for the KPRF. This particular aspect is important because rural voters constituted a large portion of the KPRF's support throughout the 1990s. Using data from two rounds of surveys in several Russian regions, the article demonstrates that by 2003 the KPRF failed to capitalize on the ‘misery of the market,’ that is, to capture support from the ‘losers and malcontents’ during market reform, suggesting that KPRF supporters dealigned themselves from the party.     

近代中国文化选择视阈下中国共产党的创立

中华民族与西方帝国主义冲突的客观环境是中国共产党文化选择的直接动力。近代中国的文化选择,学习西方是大主题,爱国主义是大线索,知识结构改变是大现象,学术转型是大趋势。中国传统文化中的进步因素,为中国共产党选择马克思主义作为自己的指导思想准备了文化前提。     

The French communist party from 1958 to 1978: Crisis and endurance

Despite its constant preaching for collaboration with the socialists, the PCF has failed to pursue this line either during the events of 1968 or during the electoral campaign of 1977/78. This resulted in electoral defeats for both parties, in mutual recriminations and in internal crises. Unlike the PS, the PCF has always succeeded in overcoming its recurrent crises. This stability is due, in our opinion, to the enduring support the communists enjoy among the working class and other groups in French society, whose socio‐economic marginality and problems of identity are reflected in the PCF's ambiguous attitude to France's political system.     

The French communist party,the general confederation of labour,and the nuclear debate

The article uses the changing character of the French nuclear debate to examine the policy analysis and discourse of the PCF and the CGT. Whereas the shared ideological vision of these organisations was unchallenged during the early years of the debate, they faced growing difficulties in assimilating the issues raised by an increasingly informed anti‐nuclear opposition. Although ideologically both organisations have faced similar difficulties in adapting to the changing debate, the degree of inconsistency in their discourse has been determined largely by their different organisational structures. The CGTs relative heterogeneity compared with the PCF makes it more vulnerable to internal stress.     

Building party organisations and the relevance of past models: The communist and socialist parties in Spain and Portugal

This article explores the development of the party organisations of the communist and socialist parties in contemporary Spain and Portugal. An attempt is made to answer the question of whether these parties resemble the western European mass party model of organisation, which is characterised by the representation and integration of a particular segment of society within the organisational structure. From the contrasting western and southern European paths towards democracy, a hypothesis is generated contending that the limited opportunities and the lack of necessity diminish the likelihood for southern European working‐class parties to build mass organisations. The empirical findings, analysing the nature and size of individual membership, as well as the nature of the linkages between parties and trade unions, reveal that, with the possible exception of the Portuguese communists, the classic mass party is not reproduced in southern Europe. At the same time, however, the model of the party as a membership organisation apparently has not lost its legitimacy.     

深化党校教学改革的有效路径

面对党校本身发展和国际国内形势的需要,党校自身必须对教学进行深化改革,可以通过对教学模式、教学内容、师资建设与教学管理方式等四个方面进行创新与改革,行根本上改变教学方式以提高质量与预期的培训效果。     

以改革创新精神加强高校基层党组织建设

胡锦涛在十七大报告中指出:"世情、国情、党情的发展变化,决定了以改革创新精神加强党的建设既十分重要又十分紧迫"[1].本文紧密结合高等学校党务工作的实际,重点探讨了以改革创新精神加强高校基层党组织建设的必要性和具体途径.     

中国第三方物流的发展现状及策略

研究了第三方物流在现代物流系统中表现出的主要特征和对现代物流发展的主要作用，通过分析第三方物流的国内外发展现状，结合中国目前实际的发展现状及面临的问题，总结了第三方物流在中国的发展趋势及开展第三方物流的策略。     

Leadership change, legitimacy, and party transition in China

Using Max Weber’s theory of legitimacy and transition, this article suggests that the biggest challenge for China’s new leadership is to transform the Communist Party into an institutionalized ruling party. After analyzing the scenarios of democratization, legitimation, decay, or repression, resulting from the interactions between public contention and the ruling elite, this article argues that the CCP has accomplished the transition from a revolutionary to a reformist party but is now somewhere between claiming to “govern for the people” and “hanging on to power.” To become an institutionalized ruling party, the CCP needs to curtail official corruption and control its membership growth. There are, however, some serious political and personal limitations that China’s new leaders will have to overcome. He received his M.A. and Ph.D. in political science from Yale University in 1988 and 1992 respectively. He has been a visiting scholar at Harvard University, research fellow at the Salzburg Seminar in Austria, and a visiting senior fellow at the East Asian Institute of the National University of Singapore. His research interests include Chinese political institutions and leadership changes, theories of international relations, Taiwan-Strait relations, and U.S.-China relations. He is the author ofParty vs. State in Post-1949 China: The Institutional Dilemma (Cambridge University Press, 1997). The author wishes to thank John Watt, Joshua Forrest and two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments on the draft version of this article.