The definitive deng: Biography,memoirs, speeches and writings

Wode fuqin Deng Xiaoping, Volume One [My Father Deng Xiaoping] by Mao Mao (Deng Rong). Zhongyang wenxian chubanshe [Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, Party Literature Publishing House], Beijing, 1993. 672 pp., maps, name index. Rmb13.80.

Deng Xiaoping wenxuan Volume III [Selected Writings of Deng Xiaoping], Zhonggong zhongyang wenxian bianji weiyuanhui [Editorial Committee on Party Literature, Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party] Renmin chubanshe [People's Publishing House], Beijing, 1993. 418 pp. Rmb6.50.     

House organ

“The disintegration of the Soviet Union and the geopolitical and ideological upheavals this has caused have altered the nature of class struggle throughout the world. Without the Soviet Communist Party, parties in the rest of the world have lost legitimacy and their claim to leadership of the working class. The basic tension between capital and labor remains, but the traditional means of addressing working class and minority grievances have necessarily changed. Without either a model or a support base — the two possibilities that the Soviets offered the working classes of other countries — those demanding economic and social justice must confront capital with new forms of organization and struggle.”     

江泽民保持共产党员先进性的思想新探

江泽民认为,保持共产党员先进性,是马克思执政党自身建设的永恒课题。在当代,只有保持共产党员的先进性,我们党才能成功应对长期执政的考验、社会主义市场经济的考验、对外开放的考验和重大事件的考验。要切实保持共产党员先进性,就必须用科学的理论武装党员头脑,就必须在改造客观世界的同时努力改造主观世界,就必须加强对党员的教育和管理,就必须实现党员生活的制度化、规范化。     

劳动解放:中国共产党人100年不懈的价值追求与奋斗情怀

人的解放和自由发展是马克思主义理论的最终目标和永恒追求;劳动解放是全部马克思主义理论的逻辑起点和理论基石,是无产阶级及其政党的初心使命,是无产阶级政党长期不懈奋斗的价值情怀。中国共产党全面地坚持和继承了马克思主义劳动解放的理论基调,经过100年来的不懈努力,从“劳工神圣”“劳工万岁”到“改善劳动组织”,到各尽所能、按劳分配,再到劳动最崇高、劳动最伟大、“劳动托起中国梦”,丰富和发展了马克思主义劳动解放理论中国化的新内涵和新境界,铸就了中国共产党人夺取革命胜利和中国道路成功的制胜法宝。在新的历史条件下,“着重保护劳动所得”“构建和谐劳动关系,促进广大劳动者实现体面劳动、全面发展”“让全体人民进一步焕发劳动热情、释放创造潜能,通过劳动创造更加美好生活”是中国共产党人对劳动解放的崭新诠释。     

The Spanish peace movement in a European context

Since the late ‘sixties the Italian Socialist Party has abandoned its attempt to isolate the Communist Party and instead has sought to re‐integrate it into the group of so‐called ‘democratic’ parties. This process has culminated in the P.S.I.’s proposal for a ‘Socialist Alternative’ government, to replace Christian‐Democrat rule. The Communist response has been to accept the legitimacy thus bestowed, but to use it to impose its own solution: the Historic Compromise—a grand coalition of Communists, Socialists and Christian Democrats. The consequence has been a partial reversal of the conventional roles of the two parties of the Left.     

以终为始:续好“主义先于问题”之大文章——中国共产党在坚持发展马克思主义中践诺初心

没有革命的理论,便没有革命的运动。革命实践运动的成败得失,往往取决于对革命理论是否科学地取舍、坚守和发展。中国共产党人是在“主义与问题”的历史性考问中诞生的。以马克思主义的共产主义“起家”;以马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想“立家”;以马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论、“三个代表”重要思想、科学发展观和习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想“发家”。中国共产党人坚持以“主义”为先导,从“问题”出发,“主义联系问题”,理论联系实践、实际,实事求是,通过艰难困苦的新民主主义革命和以社会主义建设和改革开放为定向的伟大斗争,带领全国各族人民实现了从站起来、富起来到强起来的历史性飞跃。为在实现中华民族的伟大复兴新的长征中践诺初心,我们还要继续端正对马克思主义的科学态度,处理好中国实际和世界实际与马克思主义的共产主义的关系;处理好中国共产党人的理论基础与指导思想的关系。     

China's obsession with Singapore: learning authoritarian modernity

Abstract

Chinese government officials and academics have shown disproportionate interest in the small city-state of Singapore. The Southeast Asian country with a majority ethnic Chinese population has drawn their attention because it is the only country in the world that combines advanced industrial development with stable one-party rule. Singapore not only seemingly defies Western predictions that modernization will inevitably lead to democracy, but also appears to show that authoritarian regimes may be better suited to achieving societal stability in an Asian context. In particular, the ruling party of the city-state, the People's Action Party, has drawn the attention of conservative Chinese reformists who seek to fill the ideological void that emerged following the decline of Maoist ideology. Reformers in China also derive practical governance lessons from Singapore about fighting corruption, increasing professionalization, and improving responsiveness within the party-state. As such, political learning from the Singapore model must be seen as part of the ongoing process of transformation of the Chinese Communist Party. As a consequence of this learning process, Chinese reformers are using lessons from the Singaporean model as arguments in their efforts to bolster the ideological foundations and strengthen the governance capacity of one-party rule, thus reducing pressures for democratization.     

Elite politics and the fourth generation of chinese leadership

The personnel reshuffle at the 16^th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party is widely regarded as the first smooth and peaceful transition of power in the Party’s history. Some China observers have even argued that China’s political succession has been institutionalized. While this paper recognizes that the Congress may provide the most obvious manifestation of the institutionalization of political succession, this does not necessarily mean that the informal nature of politics is no longer important. Instead, the paper contends that Chinese political succession continues to be dictated by the rule of man although institutionalization may have conditioned such a process. Jiang Zemin has succeeded in securing a legacy for himself with his “Three Represents” theory and in putting his own men in key positions of the Party and government. All these present challenges to Hu Jintao, Jiang’s successor. Although not new to politics, Hu would have to tread cautiously if he is to succeed in consolidating power. The authors are grateful to the two anonymous referees for their valuable comments on the paper.     

塑造清正廉洁的政党形象——以严肃处理刘青山、张子善案为例

建国初期的“三反”运动特别是对刘青山、张子善一案的严肃处理是中国共产党塑造自身政党形象的一个重要举措。刘张案暴露了“机关生产”的普遍性和它存在的腐蚀性，中国共产党开始采取措施切断权力和财富的直接联系。以群众运动的方式来开展“三反”斗争是当时党内纯洁力量的共识，人民群众被动员到新的政治实践中来，体现了让人民参与政治生活的积极意义。严肃处理刘张案，中国共产党展示了这样一种政治姿态，即坚决地和国民党作风划清界限，自觉地接受人民的监督。     

Governing buyers of sex in the People's Republic of China

Abstract

This paper examines the developing body of Chinese prostitution law, and the nature of its implementation, with reference to mainstream media controversy surrounding the case of a male academic penalized as a buyer of commercial sexual services in late 2004. It argues that the protagonist's highly public ‘fall from grace’ may owe more to the Chinese media's new capacity to act as part of a disciplinary apparatus that extends beyond the purview of the Party-state – via its claim to promote freedom of information – than the presumed repressive ethos of the Chinese Communist Party.     

永葆纯洁性是中国共产党人永恒的价值追求

纯洁是中国共产党人价值追求的基本特征。自成立以来,中国共产党就一直追求并采取各种措施保持自身的纯洁性。中国共产党的成长史就是一部追求和保持自身纯洁性的历史。在新形势下,保持党的纯洁性还面临各种考验和风险,必须坚持党要管党、从严治党方针,在思想上、组织上、作风上保持纯洁,实现中国共产党人的价值追求。     

Opposing Islamification or promoting Islamophobia? Understanding the English Defence League

ABSTRACT

The emergence and growth of the English Defence League (EDL) in the past two years as a socio-political mass movement are unprecedented in the British setting. Initially dismissed and duly condemned as a racist and Islamophobic far-right organization, little is known about the EDL. Allen's article begins by tracing the development of British far-right political groups that were trail-blazers in campaigning against the alleged threat posed by Muslims and Islam since 2001. The rise—and subsequent fall—of the British National Party is considered as a vehicle for understanding the climate in which hostility to Muslims has become increasingly apparent. It is in this context that the messages and discourse of the EDL are explored, as well as in regard to the organization's roots in the English football hooligan fraternity and specific events in Luton in the spring of 2009. Allen looks at the EDL's innovative use of social networking—in particular its use of Facebook—to support its street marches and protests, as well as its recognition of the economic impact it has had, given the costs associated with policing its marches and protests. Having established how the EDL is supported both actively and passively, not least through a somewhat unique coalition that brings together sometimes disparate groups on the basis of ‘the enemy of my own enemy is my friend’—including groups that have historically been discriminated against by the far right—Allen considers the the arguments for recognizing the EDL as a multicultural movement. He concludes that the messages of the EDL are indeed Islamophobic—understanding Islamophobia as an ideological phenomenon—in that they create a form of order that clearly demarcates Islam as the Other.     

延安时期马克思主义时代化解读

马克思主义时代化是马克思主义基本原理同时代特征相结合的过程,这一过程最为关键的是使马克思主义面对所处时代的现实,寻求原因提出对策。延安时期中国共产党人运用对立统一规律面对中国政治现实,实现了中国共产党政治方针和政治策略的与时俱进;运用一般与个别、普遍性和特殊性等原理和范畴分析中国思想现实,推动了马克思主义中国化的与时俱进;充分发挥人的主观能动性直面中国经济现实,开展大生产运动,实现了丰衣足食,推动了民族精神与革命精神的与时俱进。     

中国共产党人对马克思主义自由途径理论的应用与发展

马克思主义认为，实践是人类实现自由的根本途径。中国共产党人以唯物史观发现和解决中国的现实问题，中国人民追求自由的伟大事业一步步地推向深入，使马克思主义自由途径理论在中国有了新的形态。     

Why rehabilitate Stalin?

J. Arch Getty, Origins of the Great Purges: The Soviet Communist Party Reconsidered 1933–1938 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). Pp.275; £25.

Robert Conquest, Inside Stalin's Secret Police: NVKD Politics 1936–39 (London: Macmillan, 1985). Pp.222; £29.50.     

New Panthers,old Panthers and the politics of black nationalism in the United States

ABSTRACT

The New Black Panther Party for Self-Defense has been a cause du scandale since it was formed in the early 1990s. Indeed, the Anti-Defamation League has described it as ‘the largest organized anti-Semitic and racist black militant group in America’. It is somewhat surprising, then, that there has been very little detailed analysis of the party and its activities. Mulloy begins to fill this gap by outlining the origins and development of the party, and by closely examining the ongoing dispute between the New Black Panthers and surviving members of the original Black Panther Party—established by Huey Newton and Bobby Seale in Oakland, California in 1966—over the right to claim the name, the history and the legacy of the Panthers in the United States. Critically assessing the strategies and actions of the New Black Panthers, Mulloy argues that its high-profile, media-centred approach to political activism has largely been a failure with regard to its overall aim of reviving the Black Power movement in the United States.     

Capitalism,nature, socialism a theoretical introduction∗

This article expounds the traditional Marxist theory of the contradiction between forces and relations of production, over‐production of capital and economic crisis, and the process of crisis‐induced restructuring of productive forces and production relations into more transparently social, hence potentially socialist, forms. This exposition provides a point of departure for an “ecological Marxist”; theory of the contradiction between capitalist production relations and forces and the conditions of production, under‐production of capital and economic crisis, and the process of crisis‐induced restructuring of production conditions and the social relations thereof also into more transparently social, hence potentially socialist, forms. In short, there may be not one but two paths to socialism in late capitalist society.

While the two processes of capital over‐production and underproduction are by no means mutually exclusive, they may offset or compensate for one another in ways which create the appearance of relatively stable processes of capitalist development. Study of the combination of the two processes in the contemporary world may throw light on the decline of traditional labor and socialist movements and the rise of “new social movements”; as agencies of social transformation. In similar ways that traditional Marxism illuminates the practises of traditional labor movements, it may be that “ecological Marxism”; throws light on the practices of new social movements. Although ecology and nature; the politics of the body, feminism, and the family; and urban movements and related topics are usually discussed in post‐Marxist terms, the rhetoric deployed in this article is self‐consciously Marxist and designed to appeal to Marxist theorists and fellow travelers whose work remains within a “scientific”; discourse hence those who are least likely to be convinced by post‐Marxist discussions of the problem of capital's use and abuse of nature (including human nature) in the modern world. However, the emphasis in this article on a political economic “scientific”; discourse is tactical, not strategic. In reality, more or less autonomous social relationships, often non‐capitalist or anti‐capitalist, constitute “civil society,”; which needs to be addressed on its own practical and theoretical terms. In other words, social and collective action is not meant to be construed merely as derivative of systemic forces, as the last section of the article hopefully will make clear.     

加强和改进党的建设 建设马克思主义学习型政党

重视学习,善于学习,是我们党在长期实践中形成的优良传统,也是党的一个重要政治优势。面对世界的新变化、形势的新发展,党的十七届四中全会通过的《中共中央关于加强和改进新形势下党的若干问题的决定》中,又把建设马克思主义学习型政党的重大任务提到全党面前。这充分体现了党在新的历史条件下敏锐的时代意识、强烈的进取精神和高度的政治责任感,反映了马克思主义政党永不满足、永不停滞的鲜明特色。     

纯洁性建设:关乎马克思主义政党生命的重大命题

纯洁性建设是关系到马克思主义政党生死存亡的重大命题。党的十八大报告提出把纯洁性建设作为党建主线,标志着我们党对马克思主义政党建设规律的认识达到了新境界。正确领会中央精神,加强党的纯洁性建设,应该把握规律性、突出紧迫性、提高实效性:从马克思主义政党的本质属性上把握规律性,是纯洁性建设的立足点;从党肩负的使命和面临的挑战上突出紧迫性,是纯洁性建设的着力点;从严格坚持党员标准、加强理想信仰教育、健全自我净化机制和构建保纯制度体系上提高实效性,是纯洁性建设的落脚点。     

列宁关于加重对党员判罪的思想及启示

为加强执政党纯洁性,列宁结合苏俄政治建设实际提出了"加重对党员判罪"思想并贯彻在司法实践中。列宁思想的实质就是在提高党的执政能力和领导水平过程中,反对执政党成员特权,反对腐败,加强纯洁性,从严治党。这一思想为中国共产党在新民主主义革命局部执政时期所继承,在全面执政后社会主义建设改革实践中得以发展。马克思主义经典作家关于加重对党员判罪思想对党的廉政建设具有重要价值:反对特权,重申党员领导干部廉洁从政的政治准则;明确责任,进一步提高党员干部的法律意识;严明纪律,加大对违法党员干部的惩处力度。