The Effect of Armed Conflict on Education: Evidence from Iraq

This study examines to what extent armed conflict affects education accumulation and enrolment rates, and whether this effect differs by gender. It uses the 2007 Iraq Household Socio-Economic Survey data in conjunction with data on civilian deaths recorded by the Iraq Body Count database. Conflict exposure is measured by the number of deaths as a percentage of the population and number of conflict incidents. Results are robust to different identification strategies, dependent variables and conflict measures. The findings suggest an increase in conflict is associated with a decrease in education for both genders, though more pronounced for boys.     

日本派兵赴伊意欲何为

2003年12月9日下午,日本政府连续召开安全保障会议以及临时内阁会议,最终以内阁决议的形式,正式确定了向伊拉克派遣自卫队的基本计划.在身为日本援伊政策的中心人物的外交官遇害身亡尸骨未寒之际,朝野各界尚且论争纷纭之时,日本匆忙之中的断然举动,彰显出其中蕴涵着耐人寻味的战略意图.     

The pre-war reconstruction of post-war Iraq

The period before the March-April 2003 war on Iraq witnessed unprecedented preparation for post-war reconstruction. This 'pre-war reconstruction' or 'pre-emptive reconstruction' confronts those involved in humanitarian activity with urgent practical and ethical questions. This article begins with an outline of the development of post-war reconstruction as a specific area of focus for humanitarian organisations and academia, before examining the pre-war plans for the reconstruction of post-war Iraq. It argues that it is not enough to be cynical about possible US motivations for planning for the post-war reconstruction of Iraq. Instead, pre-war reconstruction offers a number of opportunities for a critique of developments in humanitarianism and US foreign policy. But pre-war reconstruction also carries with it a number of pitfalls, not least the reframing of warfare as a non-destructive activity.     

什叶派开始在伊拉克当家做主

1月30日,伊拉克举行全国大选,选举产生由275个议席的过渡国民议会.2月中旬伊独立选举委员会公布的最终计票结果显示,伊全国1400万登记选民中855万选民参加选举,投票率为59%;约26.4万海外选民参加投票,投票率高达93%.     

在曲折中前行的伊拉克共产党

年初以来,随着为期4年的伊拉克国民议会宣告成立、以马利基为首的首届伊拉克民族团结政府内阁成员正式宣誓就职,半个多世纪以来饱受当局镇压的伊拉克共产党在新内阁中也谋得一席,成为伊政局一支重要的力量.     

Suicide Terrorism in Iraq: A Preliminary Assessment of the Quantitative Data and Documentary Evidence

This preliminary assessment of suicide terrorism in Iraq sheds light on why some groups in the insurgency employ suicide attacks although others do not. The unequal utilization of suicide bombings corresponds to divergent strategies in the insurgency. Some groups fight to achieve system reintegration, whereas others send suicide bombers to collapse the emerging political order. Quantitative data and documentary evidence substantiate the finding that suicide terrorism is carried out by groups that cannot compete in any future political and institutional alignments in Iraq's new coalition politics. Suicide terrorism is intended to produce system collapse, sectarian warfare, and a failed state.     

Indian Response to Iraq War:Lessons and Implications

The September 11 terrorist attacks and America’s military intervention in Iraq have catalyzed major changes in the Middle East and had far-reaching implications for Asia. This paper seeks to examine India’s readjustment on the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq and explain how Indians perceive and respond on the Iraq war, and what lessons India has learned or obsorbed from the war.     

US bureaucratic politics and the decision to invade Iraq

Why did the second Bush administration decide to invade Iraq in 2003? This article suggests that the question can usefully be addressed by looking at the ways in which regime change in Iraq became part of bureaucratic politics within the US government – under successive administrations – following the unsatisfactory termination of the first Gulf War in 1991. It is contended here that the limitations on bureaucratic politics within the second Bush administration were important in that the path toward a presidential decision for invasion was cleared by the failure of the higher echelons of the national security bureaucracy under Bush to work effectively in exercising core functions of challenge and debate.     

美国和伊拉克:从盟友到死敌

1年前,美英不顾国际社会的反对,出兵伊拉克,推翻了萨达姆政权.当我们从伊拉克战争的是非中走出来,回首往事,我们惊讶地发现,美国和伊拉克这对仇人竟然曾经是亲密的几乎不分你我的盟友,美国曾经不遗余力地支持伊拉克.     

萨达姆被捕:伊拉克路在何方

2003年12月13日晚8点30分,萨达姆·侯赛因,这位曾称雄一时、令美国总统布什父子恨得咬牙切齿的伊拉克前总统,终于被美军在他家乡提克里特的一个小小的洞穴中活捉,舆论一片哗然,伊拉克再次成为国际社会关注的焦点和人们谈论的热门话题.     

Ghost Martyrs in Iraq: An Assessment of the Applicability of Rationalist Models to Explain Suicide Attacks in Iraq

Scholars have developed several rationalist explanations for the use of suicide attacks by terrorist organizations. Using evidence from Palestine, Israel, Lebanon, Sri Lanka, Chechnya, and Turkey, these authors have created plausible and rational models for attacks, which many consider to be “irrational.” Although the conflict in Iraq has, by most accounts, experienced more suicide bombings than any other struggle, its contemporary nature has made research and analysis on the subject difficult. This article analyzes four of these models and their implications with respect to the events in Iraq. Although the evidence is not conclusive, the data suggests that organizations are not using suicide attacks to (1) gain nationalist objectives, (2) signal strength to a foreign government, or (3)“outbid” rival organizations, as many scholars suggest. Instead, the evidence suggests that these attacks are used for (1) tactical advantages and (2) to aid the global recruiting effort of Al Qaeda–linked organizations.     

The Fall: Consequences of US Withdrawal From Iraq

There is no big anti‐war movement in the United States against Iraq like there was against Vietnam. But the people have finally spoken against President Bush's Iraq policy by resoundingly returning a Democratic majority to Congress. Henry Kissinger, eminence gris of American diplomacy, ponders whether this means a “return to realism.” The military historian Martin van Creveld looks at what American withdrawal would mean.     

伊拉克:一场美国人输不起的战争

2003年5月1日,美国总统布什以极为夸张的方式乘飞机登上刚刚从海湾地区返回的林肯航空母舰,宣告了伊拉克战争的结束.     

The Future of Preventive Wars: the case of Iraq

Abstract

Eight years have past since the devastating September 11 attacks, and the USA has engaged in two wars in the name of uprooting global ‘terrorism’ and providing security to American citizens. The Bush administration bequeathed a legacy of two ongoing wars and growing threats emerging from ‘terrorist’ acts. This article analyses the future of the preventive war doctrine, formulated by the Bush administration, under international law. The article thus explores whether the preventive war doctrine has the potential to set a customary precedence, or whether it merely constitutes a breach of international law.