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吉尔吉斯斯坦新总理费利克斯·沙尔申巴耶维奇·库洛夫 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
吴宏伟 《俄罗斯中亚东欧研究》2006,(3):85-86
2005年9月1日,吉尔吉斯斯坦议会投票以绝对多数批准了巴基耶夫总统对政府总理人选的提名,费利克斯·沙尔申巴耶维奇·库洛夫正式出任政府总理。库洛夫1948年10月29日出生于吉尔吉斯斯坦伏龙芝市(今比什凯克市)。他14岁开始在工厂当车工学徒。1967~1971年,在苏联内务部鄂木斯克高等警察学校学习。1971~1991年,在吉尔吉斯斯坦内务部系统工作。1971~1975年,为吉尔吉斯斯坦内务部监督员;1975~1978年,为苏联内务部学院学员;1978~1980年,任吉尔吉斯斯坦内务部处长;1980年12月~1987年10月,担任吉尔吉斯斯坦塔拉斯州内务局副局长和局长。1987~1991年… 相似文献
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2003年3月19~22日 ,由中国广西壮族自治区妇女联合会、公安厅以及英国救助儿童会中国项目办公室主办的以“探索中越双方在预防拐卖儿童和妇女方面的合作前景”为主题的中国—越南双边预防跨国拐卖妇女儿童研讨会在南宁和凭祥隆重召开。这次研讨会聚集了来自中越两国的公安、边防、妇联、教育等部门和英国救助儿童会、加拿大魁北克乐施会、瑞典救助儿童会等国际组织的50名政府官员和国际人士 ,共同交流了反对跨国拐卖儿童和妇女的相关信息和工作方法及经验 ,探索了中越各方在这个领域合作的前景。本次研讨会3月22日在凭祥圆满结束 ,会议通过… 相似文献
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2004年是新加坡顺利完成新老政权交替的一年 ,政府不断加大打击恐怖主义力度 ,保证社会和谐稳定 ;经济增长迅猛 ,2004年经济增长率达8.4 % ①。一、政治 :政权顺利交替2004年新加坡政治的主要特点 ,一是顺利实现了新老权力的交替 ;二是加大反恐怖斗争力度。(一)顺利地实现新老政权的交替执政的人民行动党从李光耀为首的第一代领导人开始就确立了自我更新的作风 ,不断引进新鲜血液 ,确保人民行动党的活力与冲劲 ,使政治领导层的接班顺利进行。吴作栋于1990年接替李光耀出任新加坡总理后 ,就一直把物色新的接班人和政治领导层的更新当成优先的… 相似文献
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5月17日,俄国家杜马根据普京总统提名,在首轮表决中以325票(226票为过半数)的绝对多数,正式批准米·卡西亚诺夫为新政府总理,卡成为1991年俄独立以来的第七位总理。 相似文献
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2005年3月24日,越南政府总理出台了关于批准到2010年稳定越-中边境乡居民规划的60/2005/QD-TTg号决定。根据该决定,2006年2月14日,越南农业与农村发展部出台了指导实施资助越=中边境乡移民和稳定居民政策的11/2006/TT—BNN号通知。该通知适用的越-中边境省份包括:莱州、奠边、老街、河江、高平、谅山、广宁。 相似文献
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2015年是中国全面深化改革的关键之年,是"十二五"规划收官和"十三五规划"纲要编制之年,中央政府工作部署受到极高的关注。3月5日,国务院总理李克强用了1小时40分钟向全国人大报告了政府工作,其中用了2/3的篇幅阐述了2015年工作总体部署。行政改革:简政放权、放管结合政府有权力,但李克强总理说,"有权不可任性",不任性的政府是廉洁政府、法治政府的重要基础。2014年已全年取消和下放246项行政审批事项,2015年要全部取消非行政许可审批,进一步简化注册资本登记,制定市场准 相似文献
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1999年8月9日,叶利钦总统签署命令,解除了仅工作82天的政府总理斯捷帕申的职务,并任命俄联邦安全局局长、联邦安全会议秘书普京为政府代总理。这是俄自1998年3月以来第4次改组政府,普京是这一期间继切尔诺梅尔金、基里延科、普里马科夫、斯捷帕申之后的第5位总理。现将这次政府改组情况介绍如下。 相似文献
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Heungchong Kim 《Asia Europe Journal》2003,1(4):503-509
The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue.
This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged. 相似文献
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《东北亚论坛》2016,(2)
国际体系是一个复杂的利益交互系统,在系统中存在着众多战略层面的施动—反馈模式。地缘政治大国的安全战略选择决定了它与体系其他主要成员间的互动方式,互动方式决定了其可能面临的结构性压力,并最终影响到大国崛起的兴衰成败。通过本项研究可以发现:海陆复合型崛起大国的战略模式可以分为"区域陆权"战略、"全球海权"战略和"区域/全球海陆并举"战略。如果崛起大国尚未形成稳固的陆基周边环境,那么追求"区域陆权"战略是最优选择;如果拥有稳固陆基周边环境,那么追求"全球海权"战略是最优选择。而"海陆并举"战略因"同色竞争"原理,既可能同周边国家陷入"区域陆权"优势的安全困境,也可能同"全球海权"国家陷入争霸战争。因此,"海陆并举"战略往往容易造就一个反对自身崛起的海陆权力联姻。此外,追求单一的"差色互补"原理容易实现海陆功能分异背景下的战略结盟,进而影响大国崛起战略的操作实施。 相似文献
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Florence Gaub 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(3):40-53
In spite of geographic proximity and a number of shared interests, the European Union and Libya have a history of strained relations. The war of 2011 provided an opportunity for a fresh start, but so far neither side has been able to reap benefits from an entirely new political situation. Instead, Libya’s difficult internal situation has not only slowed down the process of rapprochement, but also increased EU concern. At a time when cooperation becomes a necessity rather than a choice, Libya is now down-spiralling into implosion at the levels of security, bureaucracy and economy, to the point where it cannot absorb the offers being made. 相似文献
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从斯大林功过看苏联兴亡——评《苏联兴亡史论》 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
高放 《俄罗斯中亚东欧研究》2003,(1):85-88
一 对斯大林功过的评价要与时俱进要考察苏联兴亡的历史进程、总结苏联兴亡的历史经验 ,首先就要探究从列宁到戈尔巴乔夫苏联历届党政首脑的理论、路线、体制和实践的演变问题 ,尤其是涉及对斯大林功过的评价问题。因为斯大林执政时间最长 ,而且苏联的社会主义制度主要是在斯大林执政的 3 0年间( 1 92 3~ 1 95 3年 )建成并且得到巩固的 ,随后 3 0多年苏联斯大林模式没有发生什么大变化。如果我们肯定斯大林是“功大于过”,那么就要肯定苏联的社会主义模式基本上是成功的、优秀的 ,尽管难免还有一些弊端 ,那只要经过小修小补就能更加显示优… 相似文献
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Since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in December2001, attention has turned to the issue of whether or not Chinais a responsible member of the organization and how compliantChina is with WTO rules. This article discusses the difficultiesfaced by China, as a responsible rising power, in trying toadjust itself to global trading norms. It examines the theoryof compliance in international relations from the perspectivesof neo-realism, liberal institutionalism and social constructivism,and then tests these perspectives by examining the mechanismsused to gauge China's compliance, both bilaterally by the UnitedStates and multilaterally through the Dispute Settlement Mechanismand the Transition Review Mechanism of the WTO. The result ismixed: different opinions exist as to how compliant China hasbeen but, on the whole, most monitors agree that China has triedhard to comply with WTO requirements in various areas, thoughmuch remains to be done. The most severe tests will come inthe next few years when China's financial and service sectorswill have to face fundamental changes to the way they operate. 相似文献
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美洲国家首脑会议与美洲自由贸易区的前景 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
自1994年至今共举行了4届美洲国家首脑会议,每届会议均与美国所倡议的美洲自由贸易区有密切关系。2005年11月在阿根廷举行的第四届首脑会议上,美洲国家围绕着是否重启美洲自由贸易区谈判问题产生分歧。一些拉美国家对在香港举行的WTO第六次部长级会议的成果不甚满意。美洲自由贸易区的前景不容乐观。 相似文献
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Sean Richey 《政治交往》2013,30(1):24-43
This research examines whether authoritarianism can be stimulated and activated by politicians. The traditional belief is that psychological traits are basically quasipermanent structures that consistently determine behavior, but newer research suggests that these traits can be stimulated. This research tests whether campaigns can stimulate traits with targeted messages. I do so by exposing subjects in an experiment to political television advertising that was designed to stimulate known correlates of authoritarianism, such as fear. The results show that authoritarianism is stimulated in treatment groups that watched advertising designed to invoke threat and the strong-father metaphor and the treatment effect is greater on conservatives. I also show that watching these commercials leads to an activation of authoritarianism that influences its predictive power over support for torture. This suggests that politicians can use emotional appeals to stimulate advantageous personality traits, and that these ads also influence the public's attitudes through activation. 相似文献
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The outbreak of the global financial cdsis has called into question U.S.-style "financial capitalism." Protectionism, currency multilateralism, decentralization of financial decision-making power and the nationalism of resources are gaining ground. The emerging economies are on the rise. The world power order is becoming multi-polar. Relations between countries are growing more diverse. The global governance model is undergoing fundamental changes. Global governance mechanisms, which are more representative and reflective of the diverse interests (such as the G20 and the UN climate change conference), along with a reform of the international monetary system, will also help shape the future world order. 相似文献
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This article offers a critique of Alexander Anievas and Kerem Ni?ancio?lu’s How the West came to rule: the geopolitical origins of capitalism. We argue that while all historiography features a number of silences, shortcomings or omissions, the omissions in How the West came to rule lead to a mistaken view of the emergence of capitalism. There are two main issues to be confronted. First, we argue that Anievas and Ni?ancio?lu have an inadequate and misleading understanding of “capital” and “capitalism” that tilts them towards a theoretical stance that comes very close to arguing that everything caused capitalism while at the same time having no clear and convincing definition of “capital” or “capitalism”. Second, there are at least three omissions—particular to England/Britain within a geopolitical context—that should be discussed in any attempt to explain the development of capitalism: the financial revolution and the Bank of England; the transition to coal energy; and the capitalization of state power as it relates to war, colonialism and slavery. We conclude by calling for a connected-histories approach within the framework of capital as power. 相似文献