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1.
构建党内规范性文件的公开制度,有利于增强党内规范性文件的严肃性和权威性,有助于贯彻民主和监督思想推动经济社会科学发展,体现了完善党内法规制度体系推动全面从严治党、制度治党向纵深发展的制度价值,彰显了依法执政下推进党的治理体系和治理能力现代化从而提升党的执政能力和全面领导水平的战略价值。党内规范性文件的公开应坚持以公开为...  相似文献   

2.
二战前,马来亚印度人指向祖籍国印度的民族主义和爱国主义明显加强,进而暂时消除、弥合了印度人群体中一些分化因素,这是马来亚印度人国大党成立的重要社会背景。在尼赫鲁的积极推动下,1946年8月,马来亚印度人国大党正式成立。虽然马来亚印度人国大党深受尼赫鲁和印度国大党的影响,该党成立之初也支持当时的印度政府和印度国大党的反殖反英运动,但它并不隶属于印度国大党。自成立后至1957年,马来亚印度人国大党先是主要致力于开展印度民族主义的活动,不久又深度卷入马来亚制订民主宪法的斗争中,积极争取对印度人有利的公民权问题。在马来亚积极争取独立的浓厚政治氛围中,经过一番犹豫之后,1955年3月,经正式商谈之后,马来亚印度人国大党选择全面加入巫统马华联盟。同年7月,巫统、马华公会和马来亚印度人国大党结成的三大民族政党联盟在竞选中获胜。马来亚联合邦随后正式成立,马来亚印度人国大党作为执政联盟成员之一,长期参与执政。印度人群体的相对弱小及其社会内部的严重分化,部分程度地削弱了马来亚印度人国大党在马国政治中的地位和作用。它的政治活动对马来亚的政治民主化和多元化起到了一定的推动作用。  相似文献   

3.
In the fourties, René König and Ernest W. Burgess formulated concepts for the family, with the internal coherence being based on the relations and the feelings of the family members. Therefore, König feared the disorganization and disintegration of the institution of the family. In contrast, Talcott Parsons developed the model of a cooperative family organization, whose stability is not based on the feelings, but is regulated by the reciprocal functioning of the family members. The thesis of this essay is that Parsons — contrary to König and Burgess — developed a valid model of the family of the industrial society. This model is empirically examinable, but furthermore indicates in detail the conditions designating the stability or the decay of the model. Today the fordist family model of Parsons is replaced by the model of the multi-local and multi-generational family.  相似文献   

4.
The article deals with processes of demarcation as part of the process of Europeanization. It starts with a concept of borders and border control as central function of political systems and raises the question to which extent the European integration brings about a redrawing of territorial boundaries. First, it will be shown that the European integration is associated with a de-institutionalization of borders between the member states. Subsequently, it is argued that the removal of boundaries between the member states necessarily increases the importance of the external borders of the EU. The article describes and documents the role of the European Union in organising and coordinating a new emerging border regime. The last part discusses whether the macro-territorial borders of the EU resemble the borders of nation states. It is suggested that despite the tendencies to ?harden“ the external borders of the EU, these borders remain fuzzy and changeable, because the EU has developed a large number of forms of association and cooperation with neighbouring countries of the EU. In addition, due to the ?moving borders“ of the EU it seems rather unlikely that the EU-borders will ever become as rigid as nation state borders. The conclusion discusses the issue whether Europe can be seen as a forerunner of a new relationship between territory, demarcation and political order.  相似文献   

5.
Using the example of the present casualization of labor the following article demonstrates the ??surplus value?? of a perspective on corporate activities that is enriched by insights gained from the field of the sociology of labor. Beginning with a reconstruction of the state of the art on casualization processes of dependent labor it is shown that there has indeed been an intense discussion about the erosion of the so-called standard employment relationship (Normalarbeitsverh?ltnis) and the advancing casualization of dependent labor. The question regarding the casualization of the corporate activities, however, has hardly been recognized. The article will demonstrate that there actually is an ongoing casualization of corporate activities. Moreover, the vital factors for casualization processes in corporate activities will be elaborated. Subsequent to these points, the text raises the question of the implications of a ??twofold?? casualization of labor and its social mediations. In a final step, the article focuses on the systematic-methodological potential of founding research in a theory of practice.  相似文献   

6.
7.
Abstract

The article addresses the idea and problems of political cooperation and integration of the Baltic Sea countries in the twentieth century from the point of view of a small nation. In the interwar period such cooperation between both old and new nations was virtually non-existent. Still, the second half of the 1920s became a sort of prediction of the direction in which the relationships between the small nations on the Baltic might develop when the region was not dominated by imperialist great power policies. The end of the twentieth century in this region differs radically from the first half of the century in both the former and the latter. Yet the developments of today signify the realization of the visions of that period.  相似文献   

8.
Summary

Imperfect Bicameralism: Italy from the Senate of the Monarchy to the Senate of the Republic

1. The creation of the royal Senate; 2. The Italian antecedents of the 1848 Senate; 3. Projects for the reform of the Senate; 4. G. Mosca: the eulogy of imperfect bicameralism; 5. The end of the royal Senate and the birth of the republican Senate; 6. The current debate on bicameralism in Italy.  相似文献   

9.
Ben Crow 《亚洲研究》2013,45(4):35-48
Abstract

Every year hundreds are killed and millions made homeless by floods in the Ganges and Brahmaputra Basins. Every year millions go hungry because of the low productivity of agriculture in the region and the unequal distribution of its benefits. Some thirty percent of the world's poorest 800 million people live in the Basins of the Ganges and Brahmaputra. Their future prosperity depends both on changed agrarian relations and on the development of the resources of the two rivers. While coordinated development of the rivers could increase agricultural productivity and provide enormous quantities of hydroelectricity for the three main countries of the region—India, Nepal and Bangladesh—for the last thirty years such development has been precluded by intergovernmental dispute over the sharing of the Ganges. The conduct of the dispute is frequently determined by the immediate political needs of the factions in power in India and Bangladesh. As long as that remains the case, proposals for the regulation and development of the Ganges and Brahmaputra are likely to stagnate.  相似文献   

10.
The theory of path dependence identifies sources of institutional stability and change. It emphasises the importance of early, contingent events and increasing returns over time to explain patterns of institutional persistence. Used to describe the evolution of the procedural practices of the German Bundestag, this theory points to the long-term importance of the consensus that developed early in the 1950s among the floor leaders of three dominant parties, which is in stark contrast to the absence of such inter-party consensus in the early years of the Reichstag of the Weimar Republic. Path dependence identifies factors endogenous to the institution to explain how the institution responds to external shocks, such as the entry of new parties. When the Greens and the PDS entered the Bundestag, the established parties responded by accepting their vigorous exercise of minority rights and they accepted the established practice of managing these rights by inter-party consensus.  相似文献   

11.
This article analyses the developments of current account balances of Bangladesh since the 1950s. Available evidence suggests that the loss of the Indian raw jute market in the 1950s and the arrival of jute substitutes in the international market in the 1960s have had lasting impacts on the current account position of Bangladesh. An empirical investigation of the effects of external factors on the current account balances of Bangladesh for the 1973–89 period suggests that the real effective exchange rate of Bangladesh Taka and the economic activity in the industrial countries were the major determinants of current account balances of Bangladesh. Indeed, empirical results reject the strict version of the twin-deficit hypothesis for Bangladesh.  相似文献   

12.
《中东研究》2012,48(5):779-794
In 1889 the pioneers of the Arabian Mission – a mission under the direction of the Reformed Church in America – arrived in Arabia with the aim of Christianizing Muslims of the Najd and Arabian Peninsula. By the turn of the century, the missionaries were using medical knowledge and service as an interface for dialogue and evangelism. This article's aim is two-fold. First, it examines the history of the Arabian Mission and the history of medicine in the Gulf. Second, it explores the impact of the Americans on the Muslim communities from 1920 to 1960 by examining the experience of missionaries as well as the discourses missionaries constructed about Arabs and Arabia. It investigates how the missionaries transcend the label of cultural imperialist, and how both the function and language of the missionaries evolved as oil wealth transformed the Gulf nations of Bahrain and Kuwait. The impact the missionaries made in later years (1939–60) will be examined in the next publication of Middle Eastern Studies as a continuation of this article.  相似文献   

13.
14.
This paper scrutinises the growing trends and tendencies toward nonstandard employment in Japan to understand the making of new risk profiles. Since the first signs of new risk profiles emerged prior to the bursting of the economic bubble, an analysis should not, as many have done, isolate the 1990s. Yet, few noticed that the growth of nonstandard employment had preceded the reversal of economic fortunes. Often, characterisation of the Japanese model extrapolated from relatively secure positions of one labour market segment in the highly regulated, coordinated governance institutions. For this reason, extant models have failed to anticipate growing risks in society as a whole. A review of employment regulation highlights the function of legal reforms in the making of new risk profiles. State-based regulations allowed for and codified unequal treatment of part-time and temporary work. As a result, nonstandard employment emerged as a distinct status with few of the benefits or the social protections associated with the corporate-centred, male-breadwinner reproductive bargain. By identifying the institutional logic of the corporate-centred male-breadwinner reproductive bargain, we can better understand the emergence of precariousness in the Japanese labour market.  相似文献   

15.
Erol Kahveci 《中东研究》2015,51(5):711-726
In the Ottoman state, mining was important for the conduct of war, mints, public works, crafts industry, and financing the centralized administration system. In the republican period, mines were also important in the state's industrialization project, and they were used to subsidize the developing industries through provision of low-cost raw materials. These policies of the Ottoman and Turkish states had serious consequences for mine labour. Analysis of the Ottoman mining industry in the classical and post-classical periods, and also during the Turkish Republican period, highlights a range of emerging patterns. These include the strict control of the production by the state, the common practice of subcontracting, the role of foreign capital in the history of mining, the village-based division of labour around the mines, the use of peasant cultivator miners, the exploitation of unfree labour, the lack of investment, and traditional labour-intensive working conditions. The concept of ‘development and persistence’ is invaluable in explaining the longevity and extent of these practices stemming from historical circumstances, and we can see the persistence of some of these practices during the Republican period, despite the changes in the political regime and economic development. Throughout, the miners have been in a vulnerable position in relation to the state, exacerbated by their ambiguous peasant-miner position as wage labourers.  相似文献   

16.
Fully aware of the pressing need for change in the Arab-Muslim world, a group of Egyptian intellectuals have formed the Egyptian Enlightenment Society to promote the necessary reform for the challenges of the twenty-first century. They seek to restore a liberal-secularist trend by disseminating the ideas of rationality, freedom, equality, emancipation of women, and so on. They champion a civil society as against the religious society advocated by the Islamists. The advocates of enlightenment have mobilized the ideas and theories of Egyptian and Muslim liberal thinkers, in particular those of lbn Rushd (Averroes), the great commentator and interpreter of Aristotelian philosophy, regarded by many as one of the key figures in the development of the European Enlightenment. Averroes, a defender of the freedom of rational investigation, and a precursor of the modern scientific outlook, sought to reconcile philosophy and religion, and thus introduce philosophy into a Muslim society governed by the shari. The future of the Arab-Muslim world will depend on the outcome of the struggle between enlightenment and Islamic fundamentalism.  相似文献   

17.
In the weakened Ottoman Empire of the nineteenth century, revolts in the Balkans and subsequent Russian intervention led to the Russo-Turkish War of 1877 which resulted in a great loss of Ottoman territory and population in the European part of the Empire. After the ceasefire at Edirne in January 1878 and the signing of the Treaty of San Stefano in March 1878, the Congress of Berlin was convened in June 1878 in order to achieve a political settlement. High-level plenipotentiaries of the main European Powers took part in the deliberations. Against the backdrop of the Congress of Berlin, details are provided about the lives and careers of the members of the Ottoman Turkish delegation.  相似文献   

18.
This paper argues that forms of private communication are not separable from the media they are communicated with. Methodologically this paper aims at comparing the literal culture of sentimentalism with the practices of private communication that is found today on the social network site (SNS) Facebook. This comparison shows that upon digital terms the historical coupling between the distinctions public/private and the metaphor of coolness/warmth intersect. The media therefore transforms a specific style of private communication. Within the literal culture of sentimentalism letters were written as emotional outpourings between fellow feeling friends. Within the empirical results of the DFG-project “Public and Privacy 2.0” rather cold intimacies of strange friends on SNS can be found. The networked digital friend has to perform his online intimacies while excluding unspecific other addresses within the network. Therefore practices of distance and irony, cool distinctions and the communication of indifference, as well as cryptic maneuvers of exclusion become functional. Privacy is not decomposed – as the sociological critique of SNS often states. Private communication is rather transformed by the technical and social affordances of network communication. Against the backdrop of the imperative of connection the users practice a cool conduct and a culture of distance on Facebook.  相似文献   

19.
More than a century after the birth of the Commonwealth of Australia, the office of prime minister is the apex of the nation's political life. Yet little has been written about the antecedence and evolution of the office of prime minister. This article takes a step towards redressing this neglect by considering how the Westminster‐derived model of the prime ministership was conditioned by the nature and form of executive office in the Australian colonies in the second half of the nineteenth century. The experience of the colonial legislatures predisposed against fears of an overweening executive. The constitutional Conventions of the 1890s were dominated by seasoned colonial politicians with benign attitudes towards executive authority. Yet as delegates grappled with the challenge of marrying responsible government to a federal system, the form of executive was debated rather than treated as fait accompli. These deliberations hinted at their expectations for the prime ministership in a federated Australia: the office would be the most powerful and greatest political prize in the new nation. The article concludes by suggesting that the first Commonwealth decade was a transitional period for the prime ministership (with pre‐Federation patterns still evident) and identifying the Fisher Government of 1910–13 as heralding a shift to a more modern form of (party‐based) executive governance.  相似文献   

20.
纵观整个日本战争史,军人自杀作为一种极端个人行为,背后常常具有深刻的社会因素与时代因素。其重点不在于自杀行为本身的意义与作用,而在于身处特定环境里的军人自杀行为的选择及运用方式的取舍背后所蕴涵的社会动因——符号暴力。借用布迪厄“符号暴力”及其相关概念,重点探讨日本极端军国主义分子利用日本的传统国民性宣扬并阐释战争的正当性的过程,通过教育机制,尤其是学校教育,鼓动日本民众积极参战并誓死效忠,甚至不惜以切腹自杀的方式表示尽忠的决心。其特色在于选取特定的民族——日本,特定的自杀方式——切腹为研究主体,着重阐述日本教育的“符号暴力”——软暴力的形成以及这种暴力在日本战争年代的特殊作用。切腹自杀只作为本文的一个引例,例证这种暴力的意义与作用。  相似文献   

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