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环球热点A日本诸政党混战12月16日,日本将进行众议院大选。根据日本选举制度,众议院大选被称为是日本的总选举,获得超过半数席位的政党或执政联盟就可以组阁,党首自然就是首相。截至12月3日,已有12个政党角逐众议院席位,这是现行选举制度1996年实行以来,参选政党最多的众院选举。无论是否有能力向执政党地位发起冲击,各党...     

试析地域分裂对韩国政党体系变迁的影响

社会分裂结构是政党体系变迁的重要动因.韩国社会经济体系的演进推动了政党体系的变化,尤其是以地域分裂为代表的社会分裂结构更是韩国政党体系变迁的主要动因之一.从根源上看,韩国的地域分裂源于地区经济失衡以及社会精英选用的不平衡.随着社会经济的变化和发展,韩国的地域分裂也呈现出不同的面貌,并逐步走向稳定.从对政党体系的影响来看,地域分裂的作用正在逐步减少,韩国政党体系不稳定和保守化的倾向更为明显.     

试论日本政党体制的转型

日本政党的"55年体制"于1993年崩溃后,现处在转型过程中.本文认为,促使转型产生的主要原因是原有体制的"制度疲劳"和自民党统合能力的下降.在选举制度的影响下,日本政党体制已出现新"一党优位"体制的端倪:政党同质化导致政界总保守化;自民党作为垄断资产阶级利益代表的性质日益明显;自民党与民主党相比,正表现出较强的自我革新能力和政策方向.     

日本妇女参政途径及成效

二战结束后,日本妇女获得了参政权.在半个多世纪的参政历程中,日本妇女通过各种途径积极参政,并取得了可喜的成绩.本文通过对立法、司法、行政、政党中妇女参政情况的考察,分析了日本妇女参政的成效.     

日本民主党兴起的政治社会基础

日本民主党自1996年成立以来,不断发展壮大,成为仅次于自民党的第二大党.本文从三个方面分析了民主党兴起的政治社会基础,其一是冷战后日本政治的整体保守化 ,其二是各政党的分裂与合并,其三是日本社会的变迁.从中可见经济、科技与社会变迁等因素对政党兴衰的影响.     

当代西方政党组织形态变化述评

为适应社会发展,特别是政治生活的新变化,政党内部人员、技术和结构等诸要素结成的有机系统就会出现显著的变化。政党组织对内外环境变化做出整体调适的结果被称作政党组织形态的变化。西方政党自出现以来,其组织形态始终伴随工业化和现代化的进程不断变化,相继出现过核心型政党、大众型政党和全方位党。进入后工业社会以来,由于社会生活主题和社会资本的变化,以及信息网络技术的迅猛发展,西方政党正面临着新的组织转型。本文在对未来西方政党可能变化的组织形态作了初步考察和分析的基础上着重指出:政党作为介于社会与国家之间的社会团体,它的自身形态变化始终取决于包括目的、方式和技术手段变化在内的社会交往的变化。     

伊藤博文的政党政治观及其实践

"明治宪法之父"伊藤博文的政党政治观经历了一个转变的过程,即从最初的"政党邪恶观"到最终的"政党工具论"。这种转变是基于《明治宪法》颁布之后日本政党政治活动活跃这一前提。随着政党政治观的转变,伊藤在宪政实践上对政党采取了不同的措施,从宪法颁布之初特意在宪法文本中避谈政党和对政党政治进行压制,到之后因政治需要对各大政党妥协,再到最后创建"政友会"。他的政党政治观和实践的转变对于近代日本政党政治活动产生了巨大的影响。     

日本新宗教团体创价学会与公明党之政教关系

日本新宗教团体创价学会继承日莲正宗"立正安国"的政教合一理念,从20世纪50年代开始,在二战后民主法治环境中积极开展政治活动,于1964年成立公明党。创价学会与公明党之间的关系经历了四个时期:教团主导政教合一时期(1964-1969)、政教分离时期(1970-90年代初)、教团成为政党斗争工具时期(20世纪90年代)、政党保守化与教团集权化时期(2000年至今)。二者关系的变化说明从战后民主化到政治、宗教多元化的今天,宗教势力依然对日本政坛有深远的影响,同时政党的本质属性决定宗教政党必须以夺取政权为最高目标,在复杂多变的现实政治斗争中,宗教政党的政治主张往往与宗教理念发生冲突,形成对其母体教团的反噬效果。     

利益集团与日本政治体制中的"三角同盟"--兼论日本结构改革难以推进的原因

本文主要考察了日本政治体制的特征,以及这一体制对日本结构性改革的影响.当前日本政治体制最突出的特征就是官僚、政治家(政党)和利益集团之间形成的"三角同盟"关系,这种关系实质上就是一种利益交换关系,而"族议员"则是这种"三角同盟"关系的缩影.这种政治体制使得日本的结构性改革难以推进,因此日本的结构性改革必须以政治体制的改革为前提,而政治体制改革的核心就是打破这种"三角同盟"关系.     

"关键性选举"与美国选举政治的变化

本文在对"关键性选举"及其在美国政党和选举政治中的作用进行分析的基础上,进一步对相关理论进行评介,并以此为分析框架论述了20世纪60年代末以来美国选举政治的变化及其对美国政治进程和2004年大选的意义.作者认为,新政政党体制的解体使两党选民基础的社会和地理结构、选民的政党认同等发生了显著和持续的变化.这些变化对当今美国选举政治产生了重要的影响,其中最主要的是短期因素在美大选中的作用增大和造成两党在全国性选举中势均力敌的格局.2004年大选仍将是民主、共和两党间一场实力均衡的较量,九一一事件及布什政府所进行的反恐和对伊战争使美国全国的政治议程和选举议题发生了显著变化,此次大选的突出特点是外交与安全问题成为选举的主要议题.从美国选举政治的走向来看,在近期和可预见的未来仍难以形成一党长期控制白宫和国会的格局.政党选民重新组合和政党选民联盟解体两种趋向并存将长期主导美国选举政治的走向.     

The rise and decline of the new party: Ideology, resources and the political opportunity structure

This paper analyses the growth and decline of Taiwan's first significant third party, the New Party (NP). The NP won numerous seats in the national parliaments in the mid-1990s and received extensive media attention. However, it has shown a steady electoral decline since the late 1990s. Despite its poor recent election performance, the NP should not be regarded as a failure, as it has actually been remarkably successful at achieving its original objectives. By 2004, the KMT's policy positions had become so close to those of the NP that the NP was prepared to promote a party merger and allow its politicians to stand for election under a KMT banner. I challenge the most common explanation that the NP rose when united and fell when divided by bitter factional struggles. Instead a framework incorporating ideology, resources and political opportunity structure is employed to explain the rise and fall of the NP. I argue that when the NP faced a benign political environment in the mid-1990s, its moderate political message and rich human resources enabled the party to grow rapidly. However, after March 1996, the political environment became progressively more hostile, and as the NP's resources were eroded and wasted and the party moved towards a narrow and extremist political project, the party began its terminal decline. The space for the NP became even more limited after 2000, when party had to face intense competition from a powerful new KMT splinter party, the PFP, and a rejuvenated, united and orthodox KMT.     

Politisierung in Vereinen. Eine empirische Studie zum Zusammenhang zwischen der Vereinsmitgliedschaft und der Teilnahme an politischen Diskussionen

Es ist empirisch gut belegt, dass Vereinsmitglieder nicht nur häufiger politisch partizipieren als Nichtmitglieder, sondern dass sie sich auch überdurchschnittlich für Politik interessieren und über Politik diskutieren. In diesem Artikel wird anhand von Analysen zum Zusammenhang zwischen der Vereinsmitgliedschaft und der Teilnahme an politischen Diskussionen gezeigt, dass dieser empirische Befund nur bedingt auf politische Sozialisationseffekte von Freiwilligenorganisationenzurückzuführen ist. Die Ergebnisse von multivariaten Analysen weisen darauf hin, dass nicht die Vereinsmitgliedschaft, sondern eher die politische Frühsozialisation und die Ausbildung zu einer vermehrten Teilnahme an politischen Diskussionen führen. Vereine entfalten primär dann eine politisierende Wirkung, wenn sie die Möglichkeit bieten, Organisations‐ und Kommunikationsfähigkeit en zu erlernen respektive zu kultivieren, oder wenn sie einen Beitrag zur Konfliktfähigkeit ihrer Mitglieder leisten.     

俄罗斯政治思想的新变化——2009年俄罗斯政治形势分析

2009年俄罗斯的政局保持稳定,但政治体系现代化的改革成效不大。金融危机成为影响俄罗斯政治形势的刺激性因素。梅德韦杰夫和普京在政治思想上的差异开始显现。这种差异主要体现在政治哲学观与历史观的不同上。思想观念的不同可能导致政治路线之争。由于普京依然居于权力中心,俄罗斯政局的发展不会完全按照梅德韦杰夫的路线发展。     

Participación política y violencia de género en México

This work studies the relationship of women and politics within the framework of the Mexican law on quotas, stressing gender political violence as an explanatory variable of women political underrepresentation. Besides basic information resulting from in-depth interviews and discussion groups, data from the last federal election (2012) are analyzed, and studies on women and political parties in Mexico are reviewed from a critical angle. Research outcomes reveal that the existing dynamics within the political parties –understood as organizations that reproduce traditional gender patterns—represent a crucial variable to explaining the peculiarities of the process through which women can have access to candidatures, and explain their experiences of discrimination, harassment, and violence related to campaigns and parliamentary performance. Also, it is claimed that the implementation of regulatory frameworks aimed at promoting women participation in parliaments depends on the prevailing political party culture in Mexico.     

El camino hacia el poder Analizando la carrera política de los gobernadores argentinos (1983–2011)

The specific traits of Argentina's federal system are crucial to understand the institutional reality of this country and how politics work. Under this logic we find a component of great relevance: governors. As regards the analysis of political careers, most researches have focused on legislative functions, be it at a national or subnational level. Governors have been mostly studied as determinant factors of legislator's career development. However, there is not much research on the political career of provincial executive authorities. This work deepens the research on governors and their political career, with the purpose of understanding their origins and development. It is based on the study of elected governors between 1983 and 2011 in the 23 Argentinian provinces and the capital city (Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires). The conclusions drawn from the present study intend to deliver a first approach to the analysis of Argentinian governors’ political careers since the return to democracy in 1983, and establish a basis for future compared studies between federal countries in the region, as Brazil and Mexico.     

The political knowledge of Libyan university students: Sirte and Omar Al-Mukhtar universities as two examples

This article reports on a study measuring the political knowledge of a sample of students at the Sirte and Omar Al-Mukhtar universities in Libya in 2015–2016. Variables such as the university attendees, gender, residence, type of faculty, family’s economic condition and parents’ educational level were factored into the analysis, and a sample of 400 students from the two universities was selected to provide survey data. Findings indicate that acquiring political knowledge, as a whole, requires great effort to accommodate Libya’s current circumstances. Variables of gender, residence and university type make a difference in the level of political knowledge. While income and the level of parents’ education do not determine the extent of political knowledge, the value placed on citizenship was found to have a strong effect on the variation in legal and political knowledge and on the students’ understanding of the political process.     

The emerging role of sovereign wealth fund as an economic growth avenue for Nigeria: lessons from the Singapore experience

In 2011, Nigeria legally established a sovereign wealth fund (SWF) with a view to find a lasting solution to the frequent short-fall of funds needed for key budgetary and infrastructural developments in the country. This is as a result of the volatility in the price of crude oil which is Nigeria’s major source of foreign exchange revenue. This article examines the role that Nigeria’s SWF could play in the economic growth of the country. Importantly, as Nigeria continues to struggle with its first economic recession in decades, the article suggests it needs to adopt lessons from Singapore’s SWF experience.     

The Bangladesh party-state: a diachronic comparative analysis of party-political regimes

Since independence in 1971, both civilian and military regimes have ruled Bangladesh. As many other military regimes did, the latter civilianised their rule through the formation of political parties and participation in general elections. When diachronically analysing political formations in Bangladesh, it is appealing to make a clear-cut distinction between autocratic and democratic regimes. However, this article argues that throughout its post-independence history, the dominant form of rule has been the party-state. Revisiting the work of Aristide Zolberg, this article develops a typology of party-states, away from its initial focus on single-party regimes. It argues that party-state formation can also be witnessed in competitive electoral settings.     

Clase política y medios: explorando el fenómeno de la publicidad política encubierta en México

This work presents the results of a qualitative research that explores the phenomenon of political publicity on noncommercial television content, which has been growing since the electoral reform of 2007–2008. Since then, the acquisition of airtime for electoral advertising purposes, as well as the appearance of public officials on government advertising has been prohibited. The information was gathered through ‘in depth’ interviews, and analyzed through Strauss and Corbin grounded theory model, which allowed confirmation of the existence of covert political publicity, as well as to provide a definition of this concept and determine its causes, characteristics, and consequences. It was concluded that, despite the legal modification aiming to guarantee a more equitable political communication model and the eradication of airtime commercialization for electoral campaigning, this was not achieved due to structural conditions of the political system in Mexico and the relation between media and government, which impacts political communication, and extends beyond the electoral issue and its regulatory framework.     

Inequality,Ethnicity, Political Mobilisation and Political Violence in Latin America: The Cases of Bolivia,Guatemala and Peru*

The paper explores the relationship between political violence and ‘horizontal’ inequality in ethnically‐divided countries in Latin America. The cases studied are Bolivia, Guatemala and Peru. Preliminary results are reported on the measurement of horizontal inequality, or that between groups, defined in cultural, ethnic and/or religious terms. The Latin American cases are shown to be often more unequal than the cases from Africa and Asia included in the wider study of which the work forms a part. The complex relationship between such inequality, ethnicity and political violence is explored historically. Ethnicity is today rarely a mobilising factor in violence in the Latin American cases, but the degree of inequality based on ethnicity is shown to be highly relevant to the degree of violence which results once conflict is instigated. History explains why.