Comparing accountability relationships between governments and non‐state actors in Canadian and European international development policy

This article examines the alignment of different governance arrangements and alternative accountability mechanisms in international development policy making in Canada and the European Union (EU), with a particular focus on relationships between governments and non‐governmental organizations. The Canadian case illustrates an entrepreneurial mode of governance that aligns with fiscal auditing and performance management mechanisms, while the networked governance model of the EU relies more heavily on accountability instruments of public reporting and deliberation. The article concludes that the European accountability regime likely provides policy makers with more opportunities for social policy learning but would be difficult to implement in Canada given the underlying action logic of the federal government.     

我国地方政府间无序竞争的危害、动因及对策分析

地方政府间的有序竞争为我国经济的发展起到了积极的作用,但地方政府间的无序竞争具有较大的危害,它威胁到国民经济发展的战略平衡.无序竞争的动因主要包括政企不分,职能不清,地方政府财政收入最大化的压力,现行考核机制不尽完善等方面,而优化政府架构,开展区域政府合作,深化财政管理体制改革,重塑政府绩效评估体系是消除这种无序竞争的对策.     

Politics,politicians, and public servants in non-partisan local governments

Abstract: One of the major characteristics of the increasing complexity of government in the 1990s is the heightened power of public servants. This phenomenon has been well documented at the federal and provincial levels. The smaller size of local governments has meant that this trend has been slower to develop there, but it seems clear that it is emerging as an issue at this level of government as well. The increasing power of public servants challenges the traditional, simple paradigm of the role of politicians and public servants, simply expressed as “politicians on top, experts on tap.” This paradigm is breaking down in a number of ways as decision-making processes become more complex. This means that this once-clear statement of “politicians on top, experts on tap” needs to be replaced by a more complex understanding of the relationship between politicians and staff. Power is now shared by politicians and staff, but the tricky part of the sharing is that democratic principles require that elected politicians must maintain a predominant position. Any revised paradigm must recognize both the sharing of power, and the fact that the sharing cannot be equal. This paper will borrow a framework commonly used to examine the power of public servants in the federal and provincial governments and apply it to local government. As the article will indicate, many of the principles are similar, but there are some important variations. This revised paradigm provides a practical guide for action for both councillors and staff in their dealings with one another. Sommaire: L'augmentation du pouvoir des fonctionnaires constitue l'une des principales caractéristiques de la complexité croissante du gouvernement dans les années 1990. Les preuves de ce phénomèe sont nombreuses aux paliers fédéral et provincial. Étant donné la taille plus réduite des gouvernements locaux, cette tendance s'y développe plus lentement, mais elle commence 1à aussi à susciter des préoccupations Ce phénomène remet en question le paradigme traditionnel sur le rôle des élus et des fonctionnaires, que l'on peut exprimer très simplement comme suit “ les élus en haut, les experts en disponibilité. ” Ces rapports se désagrègent de diverses façons à mesure que le processus décisionnel devient plus complexe. Cet énoncé, jadis très clair, doit être remplacé par une compréhension accrue des rapports entre elus et fonctionnaires. En effet, si les deux groupes partagent maintenant le pouvoir, la difficulté dans ce partage réside en ce que les principes démocratiques exigent que les représentants politiques élus maintiennent une position dominante. Toute redéfinition du paradigme traditionnel doit admettre à la fois le partage du pouvoir et le fait que ce partage est forcement inégal. Le présent article emprunte un cadre généralement utilisé pour examiner le pouvoir des fonctionnaires au sein des gouvernements fédéral et provinciaux, et l'applique au gouvernement local. L'article souligne que de nombreux principes sont similaires, bien qu'ayant toutefois des variations importantes. Cette redefinition constitue un guide d'action pratique tant pour les conseillers municipaux que pour leur personnel dans leurs transactions mutuelles.     

Urbanism,cities and local self‐government

Abstract: This article explores the relationship between urbanism, cities and local self‐government to identify some key issues for contemporary public administration. State‐centric political theory marginalizes urban analysis, but the latter enables us to see the world in a different way. Understanding ourselves as urban is to see that conventional political categories seriously misrepresent the conditions of our lives. Various thinkers like Ash Amin and Nigel Thrift and Michael Peter Smith have suggested ways of building on contemporary urban analysis, but it is still a struggle to overcome the spatial imagination that we have inherited from conventional political theory. This poses particular problems for any “new urban agenda,” since questions of local autonomy have yet to be properly posed. Gerald E. Frug's analysis of the issue of civic autonomy is helpful in this regard because it highlights the philosophical assumptions that lie behind our fears about the misuse of local authority. Foucauldian discussions of governmentality reveal the way self‐government works as a strategy to control populations by liberating them. Local self‐government is thus an ambiguous and dangerous ideal ‐ but not for the reasons usually supposed. It is in any case the practice implicit in urbanism as a way of life. The key constitutional issue today is how to recognize that practice and regulate it appropriately. Sommaire: Le présent article examine les relations entre l'urbanisme, les villes et l'autonomie gouvernementale locale pour identifier certaines questions‐clés dans le domaine de l'administration publique contemporaine. La théorie politique axée sur l'État marginalise l'analyse urbaine, mais cette dernière nous permet de voir le monde sous un nouveau jour. Se considérer comme des citadins, c'est voir que les catégories politiques conventionnelles représentent très mal nos conditions de vie. Différents penseurs comme Ash Amin, Nigel Thrift ct Michael Peter Smith ont proposé des manières de développer l'analyse urbaine contemporaine, mais il est tou‐jours difficile d'aller au‐delà de l'imagination spatiale qui nous a été transmise par la théorie politique conventionnelle. Cela soulève des problèmes particuliers pour tout nouvel agenda urbain, étant donné que les questions d'autonomie locale n'ont pas encore été posees adéquatement. L'analyse de la question de l'autonomie civique réalisée par Gerald E. Frug est utile à ce sujet, car elle souligne les hypothèses philosophiques sur lesquelles reposent nos craintes concemant l'utilisation abusive de l'autorité locale. Les discussions à la Foucault sur la gouvernementalité révèlent la manière dont l'autonomie gouvernementale fonctionne en tant que stratégie visant à contrôler les populations tout en les libérant. L'autonomie gouvernementale locale est ainsi un idéal ambigu et dangereux, mais non pour les raisons que l'on suppose généralement. C'est en tout cas la pratique implicite dans l'urbanisme comme mode de vie. La question constitutionnelle clé qui se pose aujourd'hui est de savoir comment reconnaître cette pratique et la réglementer adéquatement.     

Provincial agendas,local responses: the “common sense” restructuring of Ontario's municipal governments

Abstract: This article explores the application of the so-called “common sense” agenda of the Ontario government to the municipal sector in selected communities. By examining a range of restructuring proposals considered and/or adopted during 1995–97 in six municipalities in southern Ontario the study addresses two objectives. First, it delineates the manner in which the term “rationalize” has been understood by the province and the municipalities. Evidence suggests that the drive to “restructure” has evolved into a fairly simplistic strategy: amalgamate and eliminate units of municipal government and reduce the number of municipal councillors and staff. Second, it analyses the government's promise to “sit down with the municipalities” in this process. The Harris government, in fact, implemented a far-reaching conceptual agenda but forced municipalities to design the specific responses to it. Since 1995, municipalities large and small in all comers of the province have struggled -some in good faith, some with reluctance - to find ways to develop a local response to the province's restructuring agenda, all the while fearing that a failure to acquiesce would invite an imposed solution. Sommaire: Dans cet article, on explore I'application du «programme du bon sens» du gouvemement de l'Ontario au secteur municipal dans certaines communautés choisies. L'étude, qui examine toute une gamme de propositions de restructuration considérées ou adoptées en 1995–1997 dans six municipalités du Sud de l'Ontario, vise deux objectifs. On y définit tout d'abord la manière dont la province et les municipalités ont interprété le mot «rationaliser». I1 semblerait que l'effort de »restructuration° ait menéà une stratégie passablement simpliste: fusionner et éliminer des unités du gouvernement municipal et réduire le nombre de conseillers et de personnel municipaux. Deuxièmement, on analyse la promesse faite par le gouvemement s'asseoir autour de la table avec les municipalité« dans le cadre de ce processus. En réalité, le gouvernement Harris a mis en oeuvre un agenda conceptuel de très grande envergure mais il a forcé les municipalités à lui trouver des réponses spéci-fiques. Depuis 1995, les municipalités petites et grandes de tous les coins de la province s'efforcent, certaines de bonne foi mais d'autres avec récalcitrance, de formuler une réponse locale au programme restructurateur de la province, tout en craignant que, si elles manquent de s'y conformer, elles risquent de se faire imposer une solution.     

Management improvement in the Canadian public service, 1999–2010

This article surveys management improvement initiatives in the federal public service during the 2000s and assesses their progress. It reviews eight key areas: management accountability; expenditure management; financial management; human resource management; grants and contributions management; project management and capital investment; internal audit; and processes to sustain public service values and ethics. Although not all of the initiatives have been equally successful, this article argues that general improvement has been realized. The article also considers factors behind the successes, arguing that improvements typically arise from a combination of political, organizational, cultural and economic factors including public service leadership and support at the political level. Recent budget pressures may affect the sustainability of continuing management improvement, but elements for moving forward are clear.     

Federal policy ideas and involvement in Canadian urban transit, 2002‐2017

Although provincial and local governments bear primary responsibility for urban transit projects and operations in Canada, the Government of Canada engages intermittently in this policy field, mainly through research and short‐term funding programs. This article analyzes federal policy concerning urban transit over the period 2002‐2017, with a substantive focus on policy ideas—the cognitive and normative concepts that provide direction for, and shape the perceived legitimacy of, policy choices. Through a thematic content analysis of policy documents, this article explicates the paradigms, programmatic foci, frames and public sentiments that have underpinned federal urban transit policy over this 15‐year period.     

Public health‐care provision in the Canadian provinces and American states

Abstract: While there are broad differences between the health‐care systems in Canada and the United States, sub‐national variation is significant in both countries (though more notably among American states), both in terms of the role of government in the provision of health‐care as well as outputs of the health‐care system such as access and cost‐control. Although this variation is rarely considered in comparisons of health‐care policy in the two countries, the value of using the United States as a comparative reference in contemporary policy debates in Canada would be considerably greater if such variations were utilized to augment the analytical leverage resulting from such comparisons. Sommaire: Alors que les différences entre les systèmes de soins de santé au Canada et aux États‐Unis sont importantes, l'écart infranational est considérable dans les deux pays (bien que plus notoire parmi les États américains) aussi bien en ce qui concerne le rôle joué par le gouvemement dans la prestation des soins de santé, que les extrants du système de soins de santé comme l'accès et le contrôle des coûts. Même si cet écart est rarement pris en compte dans les comparaisons de la politique de soins de santé des deux pays, le fait de recourir aux États‐Unis comme point de référence comparatif dans les débats aduels sur la politique au Canada aurait beaucoup plus de valeur si un tel écart était utilisé pour accroître le levier analytique résultant de telles comparaisons.     

Recruitment,selection and promotion of visible‐minority and aboriginal police officers in selected Canadian police services

Abstract: The demographic composition of the Canadian police services in major cities generally does not reflect the diversity of the communities they serve, especially with respect to the representation of visible minorities and aboriginal peoples. As many commissions and inquiries on race relations issues in policing have reported, this lack of representation may be a factor that is hindering the effectiveness of police work in major urban centres across Canada. Hence, many commentators have called for increased representation of visible minorities and aboriginal people in the police services through effective recruitment, selection and promotion strategies. In this article, through the use of both quantitative and qualitative research methodologies, the authors identify and assess the various staffing and promotional policies and practices of thirteen police services across Canada. Results suggest that there has been some progress in the representation of visible minorities and aboriginal people in policing over the fifteen‐year period of this study. However there is still room for considerable improvement in the policies, practices and culture of police services if they are to become more representative of the diversity of the communities they serve. Sommaire: La composition démographique des corps de police canadiens dans les grandes villes ne reflète généralement pas la diversité des communautés desservies, particulièrement en ce qui concerne la représentation des minorités visibles et des Autochtones. Tel que signalé par de nombreuses commissions et enquêtes sur les questions de relations inter‐raciales se rapportant à la police, ce manque de représentation est peut‐être un facteur qui nuit à l'efficacité du travail de la police dans les grands centres urbains du Canada. De nombreux observateurs ont donc préconisé une plus forte représentation des minorités visibles et des Autochtones au sein des corps de police grâce à de bonnes stratégies de recrutement, de sélection et de promotion. En suivant une méthodologie de recherche à la fois quantitative et qualitative, nous identifions et évaluons dans cet article les diverses politiques et pratiques de dotation et de promotion de treize corps policiers à travers le Canada. D'après les résultats, la représentation des minorités visibles et des Autochtones dans les corps de police aurait connu un certain progrès au cows des quinze années étudiées. Cependant, il reste encore du chemin à faire en ce qui concerne les politiques, les pratiques et la culture des corps de police pour mieux représenter la diversité des communautés qu'ils desservent.     

Understanding third‐party advertising: An analysis of the 2004, 2006 and 2008 Canadian elections

For approximately two decades, the federal regulation for third‐party election spending was the focus of repeated constitutional debate. However, with the 2004 Supreme Court decision in Harper v. Canada, a relative level of policy stability has been established. This stability permits us to evaluate the performance of spending limits according to the principles of the egalitarian model on which it is based. Using an original data set compiled from third‐party election advertising reports from the 2004, 2006 and 2008 federal elections, this article offers the first empirical analysis of this important election policy. A number of observations can be offered. First, third parties are not spending large amounts relative to spending limits. Second, despite legislative changes in 2006 banning all federal party contributions except those from individuals, there appears little strategic action by third parties in spending “around” contribution limits. During this three‐election cycle, third parties quite simply did not spend significant amounts. Current third‐party spending limits therefore appear to be situated comfortably within the expectations of the egalitarian model, though why third parties of all types spend so little remains in question.     

Health system performance reporting in Canada: Bridging theory and practice at pan‐Canadian level

Public reporting is increasingly used to enhance accountability and transparency and stimulate performance improvement in the public sector. In Canada performance reporting in the health sector is still in development, and involves a large number of actors. This article reports on the results of a recent intervention by the Canadian Institute for Health Information (CIHI) to develop a platform for pan‐Canadian performance reporting ( http://www.yourhealthsystem.cihi.ca ). It describes approaches taken to: develop a conceptual framework; engage the public in the definition of performance reporting priorities; and select indicators for public reporting. This article also discusses conceptual, methodological and operational challenges as well as a proposed evaluation strategy.     

Policy work at the sub‐national level: Analytical styles of Canadian and Czech directors and managers

This paper uses data from two countries to develop profiles of policy directors and managers in the sub‐national public bureaucracies of Canada and the Czech Republic. Canadian directors and managers undertake more analytically complex tasks for which research and evaluation is necessary. In comparison, Czech managers are more firmly engaged in project management agendas, and Czech directors tend to rely on personal experience and routine approaches. Overall, the sample shows that different policy styles are emphasized in each country and at different levels ranging from rational‐technical and advisory‐interactive (Canadian directors and managers), process expertise (Czech managers), and a combination of analytical rationality and issue activism (Czech directors).     

Creating business out of bright light: Scientists and the commercialization of synchrotron‐enabled research

Governments have attached a high priority to the commercialization of science and technology as a foundation for participation in the “new economy.” Scientists typically view their work in less commercial terms and focus on making contributions to knowledge. When governments invest in large‐scale scientific infrastructure, like synchrotrons, they are increasingly concerned about the business and employment outcomes. This study examines the attitudes of synchrotron scientists at the Canadian Light Source (CLS) at the University of Saskatchewan toward government expectations and programs supporting commercialization. The scientists are, as a group, ambivalent toward strong commercialization efforts and feel that the expectations of government are unrealistic. Many, however, appreciate the financial and political requirements to focus on commercial activities, and a significant number see both research and societal benefits in engaging actively with private sector partners.     

Organizational learning among senior public‐service executives: An empirical investigation of culture,decisional latitude and supportive communication

Abstract: For several years, organizational learning has been a concept of interest in the search for efficiency, innovation, and knowledge management in both the private and public sectors. In general, three determinants of organizational learning are identified in the literature: the organizational learning culture as a major determinant, the control or decisional latitude that individual employees have over their work, and the impact of supportive supervisor communication. However, little empirical research has been offered to substantiate the relationship between these variables. As part of the national Association of Professional Executives of the Public Service of Canada (apex) study on work and health, a representative sample of 1,822 public‐service executives were surveyed. Results showed that organizational learning culture and decisional latitude played an important role in the acquisition of organizational learner attitudes and behaviour. Supportive supervisor communication was not significantly related to individual organizational learning. This article offers unique empirical evidence concerning the relationship between organizational learning culture, decisional latitude and individual learning attitudes and behaviour. The discussion emphasizes the contribution of theoretical models of organizational learning and suggests future avenues of research. Sommaire: Depuis plusieurs années, l'apprentissage organisationnel est un concept interessant pour la recherche de l'efficience, de l'innovation et pour la gestion des connaissances, a la fois ans dans les secteurs privé et public. On retrouve generalement trois determinants de l'apprentissage organisationnel dans la documentation: la culture de I'apprentissage organisationnel comme determinant principal, le con‐trôle ou la latitude de décision que les employés individuels ont sur leur travail, et l'impact de la communication des superviseurs attentionnés. Cependant, peu de recherche empirique a été entreprise pour corroborer les relations entre ces variables. Dans le cadre de I'étude nationale de Aapex (Association professionnelle des cadres de la fonction publique du Canada) sur le travail et la santé, un échantillon représentatif de 1 822 cadres supérieurs de la fonction publique ont participéà un sondage.* Les résultats ont indiqué que la culture d'apprentissage organisationnel et la latitude de décision jouaient un rôle important dans l'acquisition d'attitudes et de comportements de l'apprenant organisationnel. La communication des superviseurs attentionnés n'était pas liée de manière significative à l'apprentissage organisationnel individuel. Le présent article offre une évidence empirique unique en ce qui concerne les relations entre la culture d'apprentissage organisationnel, la latitude de décision et l'attitude et les comportements lies à l'apprentissage individuel. Le débat met l'accent sur la contribution des modèles théoriques de l'apprentissage organisationnel et offre des pistes de recherche pour l'avenir.     

The bureaucracy and public policy: Canadian merger policy and the Combines Branch, 1960–71

Abstract. This paper investigates the implications for public policy in general and merger sections of the Combines Act in particular of the hypothesis that bureaus, when carrying out their administrative duties, attempt to maximize their private utility functions rather than the social utility function expressed in the legislation. The analytical procedure, given alternative utility goals of power, prestige, convenience, and security and the appropriate constraints, is to predict the behaviour of the Combines Branch (from 1960–71) and to test these predictions against actual Branch behaviour. The evidence on the Branch's behaviour (all cases prosecuted and discontinued) suggests that its conduct can be better explained by security maximization than by any alternative private or altruistic goal. However, it is not clear that this was a bad thing for public policy because it can be argued that the Branch's behaviour brought public policy in this area closer to the social welfare function implied in the legislation than would have been the case if the government had successfully maximized its private utility function. Sommaire. L'auteur de cet exposé enquête sur les implications, pour la politique publique en général et les articles sur le fusionnement de la loi sur les coalitions en particulier, de l'hypothèse suivant laquelle es bureaux, dans l'exercice de leurs responsabilités administratives, essaient de maximiser leurs fonctions privées plutôt que leur fonction sociale, telle qu'elle est indiquée dans la législation. La procédure analytique, étant donné le choix des buts: pouvoirs, prestige, commodité et sécurité, avec Ies limites appropriées, consiste à prédire le comportement du service chargé des coalitions (de 1965 à 1971) et à vérifier ces prédictions à la lumière de son comportement réel. Les faits relatifs au comportement de ce service (tous les cas amenés en justice et ceux qui ont été abondonnés) indiquent qu'il s'explique plus par une maximisation de la sécurité que par tout autre motif privé ou altruiste. Il ne semble pas cependant que cela ait été néfaste à la politique publique parce que l'on peut argumenter que le comportement du service a fait jouer à la politique publique un rôle plus orienté vers le bien-être social, comme cela était sous-entendu dam la législation, que ce n'aurait été le cas si le gouvernement avait maximisé avec succès sa fonction privée.     

Women's ministerial careers in cabinet, 1921–2010: A look at socio‐demographic traits and career experiences

This article probes two aspects of women's ministerial careers in federal, provincial, and territorial cabinets from 1921 to December 2010. First, we examine whether the socio‐demographic profile of women ministers differ from female legislators of the governing party. Logistic regression analysis shows that women holding cabinet portfolios differ from female legislators with no ministerial responsibilities with respect to education, parliamentary experience, and age when first elected. Women legislators elected in Quebec, and more so at the federal level, were less likely to become ministers than women legislators nominated in other provinces. Second, we consider what portfolios women had over time, and how many different portfolios they were assigned to. The results are sobering: women ministers are still largely concentrated in socio‐cultural and socio‐economic portfolios, and most only occupy one or two of these portfolios. We conclude by identifying avenues for further research.