The Barriers to Media Opening in Latin America

Despite the spread of electoral democracy, few Latin American media systems today encourage the deepening of democracy. We attribute this outcome to (a) generalized weakness in the rule of law, (b) holdover authoritarian legislation, (c) oligarchic ownership of media outlets, (d) uneven journalistic standards, and (e) limited audience access to diverse sources of information. Reforms designed to address these problems could include the appointment of special prosecutors to investigate crimes against journalists; replacement of criminal libel laws with civil procedures; legislation protecting journalists' sources and guaranteeing transparency in government; the establishment of nonpartisan boards to allocate broadcast concessions, administer state-owned stations, and distribute government advertising; user fees to expand public media; and various measures to enhance professional standards.     

以史为镜,可以知兴替--读《拉丁美洲:从印第安文明到现代化》

新千年伊始 ,人类社会正满怀希望地迈入经济全球化加速发展、信息技术日新月异的新时代。谋求 2 1世纪崛起的中国正进入实现现代化的关键时期。“让中国走向世界 ,让世界进入中国”,成为时代的呼声和历史的趋势。增进国际间的了解与交往 ,总结和借鉴外国现代化的经验与教训 ,是谋求发展的中国所需、是立志现代化的中国所求。上海社会科学院发展研究中心副研究员张家哲先生撰写的《拉丁美洲 :从印第安文明到现代化》( 1 999年 6月中国青年出版社出版 )一书 ,向人们展示了一幅拉丁美洲国家孜孜不倦地谋求发展、致力于现代化的风景图。它对于人…     

Hearing Latin American Voices in International Relations Studies

This article offers a general account of international relations studies (IR) in Latin America through an examination of IR thinking in the region, an inventory of IR theory courses in seven Latin American countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Mexico, and Trinidad and Tobago), and an analysis of journal articles selected from five specialized IR journals in Latin America. Although considerable U.S. influence upon the ways in which IR is approached in Latin America is made apparent through this narrative, the specific context in which IR studies have evolved in the region has substantially altered the content of U.S. IR discourse. Therefore, the article concludes with a discussion of the possible contributions of Latin American IR to Anglo-American perspectives in the field.     

Capital Account Liberalization,Financial Structure,and Access to Credit in Latin America

This article revisits the question of whether capital account liberalization improves access to credit by advancing and testing a theory of how the structure of the financial sector shapes the willingness and ability of banks and governments to repress the domestic financial sector. In a highly concentrated financial sector, banks and governments are more willing to reap the benefits of financial openness by suppressing liberalizing reforms to domestic financial policies, and they can also better coordinate with one another to stifle these reforms compared to when the financial sector is diffuse. Using a panel dataset of Latin American and Caribbean countries, I find that capital account liberalization leads to a decrease in loans to private firms and households and an increase in loans to governments and state-owned enterprises when the financial sector is highly concentrated. Only when the financial sector is diffuse does capital account liberalization lead to reforms in entry barriers, directed credit programs, and banking sector supervision, which extends to improved access to credit for private firms and households.     

Post-disaster emergency and reconstruction experiences in Asia and Latin America: an assessment

From United Nations emergency responses involving tent camps, to the reconstruction approach of FUNDASAL in El Salvador and the post-disaster provision of housing by Caritas in Asia, it is clear that a giant step has been taken in thinking about emergency shelter, as well as about how prevention and reconstruction are managed. This article evaluates some current good practices in Asia and Latin America in post-disaster emergency shelter that use local skills, materials, and tools, and participatory processes.     

从经济一体化走向政治经济联盟——拉美团结自强争取独立的历史道路

拉美一体化的思想渊源来自独立战争领导者玻利瓦尔倡导的美洲联盟思想。二战后在欧洲经济一体化的影响和联合国拉美经委会的地区主义倡导下,拉美一体化进程开始蓬勃发展,产生了多个次地区和地区性的一体化组织。在经历了20世纪七八十年代的低潮后,90年代以来拉美国家在开放的地区主义指导下展开了新一轮一体化高潮,原有的次地区一体化组织实行了大幅重组,并建立了一批新型一体化组织,包括南方共同市场、南美洲国家联盟和美洲玻利瓦尔联盟等。拉美一体化进程最初主要是在经济领域,后逐步渗透到政治等领域。2010年拉美和加勒比国家共同体宣告成立,表明拉美地区一体化开始走向全地区政治经济大联盟,但其前景如何仍然有待观察。     

追踪反对帝国主义的历史潮流——从依附理论到拉美新左派思想

本文旨在追踪研究半个多世纪以来,拉美国家和美国的历史、政治学科的相关学者追踪研究拉美国家的政治经济形势,以及拉美国家与美国关系的理论演进和思想路径;通过探讨从依附理论到新左派思想的理论演进和从传统左派到新左派的概念转换,说明拉美左派在新形势下的复兴是拉美国家长期遭受帝国主义剥削压迫的必然结果,是不合理的中心—外围国际政治经济秩序发展的内在趋势。在经济全球化的大潮下,拉美新左派将领导拉美国家从与美国单极格局下的屈从关系走向建设全球多极政治经济关系中的独立自主的政治经济实体。拉美一些国家倾向社会主义的发展趋势也说明,弗朗西斯·福山的历史终结论是没有根据的。     

Violence,fear, and development in Latin America: a critical overview

This introduction presents the core concepts that shape this special issue on the impact of violence and the processes of development in Central and South America. The understanding of development is considered in terms broader than the economic context alone, in order to assess wider social and political aspects. With a similarly expansive scope, forms of violence are addressed that range from direct physical harm and bodily attack to the often more subtle aggression of racialised abuse or the pressures on community-centred production from dominant market forces. In these contexts, violence, economic initiatives, and political allegiances form unintended and often dangerous networks of consequence for development matters. All the articles in this volume exemplify further the spatial environments of violence and diverse ‘landscapes of fear’ that shape our existence and help to define our actions, territories, and understanding of what happens around us.     

Going beyond the Roman dictator: a comprehensive approach to emergency rule,with evidence from Latin America

The aim of this article is to contribute to the debate on emergency rule, a practice that democratic theory has struggled to conceptualize. Accordingly, this article differs from existing approaches, which mainly focus on the constitutional design of regimes of exception and tend to identify the institution of the Roman dictator as their source. In contrast, we offer a comprehensive approach, considering other historical sources of emergency rule, going beyond the dichotomy of constitutional and de facto emergency, and focusing specifically on the types of emergency powers involved: executive, legislative and judicial. We propose a different way of conceptualizing emergency rule, following a political rather than a constitutional logic, and we illustrate this different conceptualization by offering evidence from Bolivia, Chile and Guatemala to demonstrate how this comprehensive approach works in practice.     

Impact of human rights on U.S. foreign assistance to Latin America

Building upon the contributions of previous studies of U.S. foreign aid, this study examines the relationship between human rights and U.S. foreign assistance. Concentrating on the years 1979–1985, the impact of human rights conditions on both economic and military aid allocations to Latin America is analyzed. The results of this analysis indicate that though other factors have a significant effect upon aid allocation, human rights are an important factor in determining the allocation of both U.S. economic assistance and U.S. military assistance. The findings suggest that those countries with better human rights conditions are likely to receive more U.S. aid than others.     

Political leadership and the construction of competitive authoritarian regimes in Latin America: implications and prospects for democracy

Recent developments have raised new concerns regarding the prospects of democracy in Latin America, particularly in what are often defined, although not unanimously, as cases of competitive authoritarianism, including Bolivia, Ecuador, Venezuela, and Nicaragua. In light of their significance and diffusion on a global level, understanding how these regimes emerge is important, especially when they replace democratic or imperfectly democratic regimes such as in the cases examined in this study. What explains the emergence of competitive authoritarian regimes (CARs), particularly when the starting point is democratic or imperfectly democratic? What are the region’s democratic prospects after the emergence of various CARs in the last two decades? Through the comparative analysis of competitive authoritarian attempts in Bolivia, Ecuador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, I argue that the same passages and challenges required to transform a democratic regime into a CAR makes incumbents' features and strategies particularly important, especially the ability to weather potentially lethal institutional crises and limit the legitimacy costs associated with competitive authoritarian manipulations. Incumbents have proved more successful in these challenges and hence in their competitive authoritarian attempts when combining charisma and the elaboration of a democratic discourse including the diffusion of new democratic values.     

A comparative analysis of microfinance and conditional cash transfers in Latin America

This paper addresses the question of whether microfinance and conditional cash transfers can be effective in alleviating poverty in the Latin American region, and provides a comprehensive assessment of each of these programmes using data and evaluation reports from 19 countries in the Latin American region, analysed in the context of six operational and impact criteria. The research shows that microfinance may be better suited for those living on US$2 per day or higher, while conditional cash transfers may be more beneficial for those living in extreme poverty. Neither programme offers a ‘magic bullet’ solution for poverty eradication, but they can provide positive outcomes when prescribed in combination.

Une analyse comparative du microfinancement et des transferts conditionnels d'argent en Amérique latine

Ce document se penche sur la question de savoir si le microfinancement et les transferts conditionnels d'argent peuvent être efficaces au moment d'atténuer la pauvreté et il fournit une évaluation complète de chaque programme, en utilisant des données et des rapports d'évaluation provenant de dix-neuf pays de la région, analysés dans le contexte de six critères opérationnels et relatifs à l'impact. D'après les résultats des recherches, il est possible que le microfinancement convienne mieux à ceux qui vivent avec 2 dollars EU par jour ou plus, tandis que les transferts conditionnels d'argent pourraient profiter davantage à ceux qui vivent dans des conditions de pauvreté extrême. Aucun de ces deux types de programmes ne fournit une solution « balle magique » pour l'éradication de la pauvreté, mais ils peuvent donner des résultats positifs lorsqu'ils sont prescrits en tandem.

Uma análise comparativa de microfinanças e transferências condicionais de dinheiro na América Latina

Este artigo busca examinar se as microfinanças e as transferências condicionais de dinheiro podem ser eficientes para aliviar a pobreza e oferece uma avaliação abrangente de cada programa utilizando dados e relatórios de avaliação de dezenove países da região, analisados no contexto de seis critérios operacionais e de impacto. A pesquisa mostra que a microfinança pode ser mais adequada para aqueles que vivem com US$2 por dia ou mais, enquanto que as transferências condicionais de dinheiro podem ser mais benéficas para aqueles que estão vivendo em condições de pobreza extrema. Nenhum programa oferece uma solução “mágica” para a erradicação da pobreza, mas eles podem oferecer resultados positivos quando prescritos em conjunto.

Un análisis comparativo de las microfinanzas y las transferencias de efectivo condicionadas en América Latina

Este ensayo analiza si las microfinanzas y las transferencias de efectivo condicionadas pueden contribuir a la reducción de la pobreza y ofrece una evaluación completa de las dos modalidades. Utiliza para ello datos e informes de evaluación de 19 países de la región y analiza los resultados a la luz de seis criterios operativos y de impacto. La investigación demostró que las microfinanzas pueden funcionar mejor para las personas que sobreviven con US$2 o más por día, mientras que las transferencias de efectivo pueden beneficiar más a las que viven en extrema pobreza. Ninguna modalidad es por sí misma una solución para erradicar la pobreza pero pueden producir resultados positivos si se les da un uso combinado.     

Fostering uptake: lessons from climate change vulnerability assessments in Africa and Latin America

Findings from climate change vulnerability assessments can inform decision-makers in their evaluation of options to reduce the negative impacts of climate change. Certain attributes of an assessment can improve the use or uptake of its results. The science policy literature describes three characteristics – credibility, salience, and legitimacy – as being necessary for the uptake of scientific results for decision-making. We draw from the experiences of eight climate change vulnerability assessments conducted in Africa and Latin America for USAID (United States Agency for International Development) to explore the practical application of these three characteristics to fostering uptake of the assessment results.     

从红色威胁到激进民众主义——拉丁美洲对美国的非安全因素

*2004年11月,美国总统乔治.W.布什在阿根廷参加第4届美洲国家首脑会议期间,受到了来自民众的强烈抗议。这是自1958年时任美国副总统的理查德.M.尼克松在委内瑞拉被愤怒的民众投掷石块以来,美国政府高级官员在拉丁美洲受到的最差的待遇了。在委内瑞拉总统乌戈.查韦斯和玻利维亚总统候选人埃沃.莫拉莱斯的鼓舞和煽动下,数万名民众举行集会,谴责美帝国主义和已遭搁浅的美洲自由贸易区计划。布什会受到强烈抗议,事先并非毫无征兆。在他出访前夕进行的民意调查显示,53%的南美洲人和87%的拉美“意见领袖”(Opinion Leaders)对美国总统表示反感,…     

Obstacles to citizen participation by direct democracy in Latin America: a comparative regional analysis of legal frameworks and evidence from the Costa Rican case

Starting from the 1980s, institutions of direct democracy were introduced into most Latin American constitutions. To date, the practical application of these institutions remains almost exclusively restricted to the subtype of government plebiscites while the use of citizen initiated instruments remains scarce. To explain the region's low frequency of use of citizen initiated instruments of direct democracy this explorative study proceeds in three sections. The first recapitulates regulatory legislation on, and practical experience with direct democracy in Latin America. The second proposes and applies an index for the comparative measurement of legal obstacles provided by institutional frameworks and goes on to discuss further explanatory propositions on factors that may interact with these legal obstacles to obstruct direct democratic citizen participation. Finally, these hypotheses are tested through an interview-based study with actors involved in the recent practical experience with direct democracy in Costa Rica. The study concludes that the institutional design of citizen initiated instruments of direct democracy alone does not suffice to explain the frequency of their practical application. Rather than this, application frequency appears to be a function of the combined interactive effects of legal institutional factors with sociological and political party factors such as strategic action preferences and party elites' attitudes.     

From philanthropy to corporate social responsibility in Guatemala: assessing shifts through Alianzas

Latin American firms are moving from narrow philanthropy to broader engagement with development priorities. We examine this shift with data from Alianzas, a development programme promoting private contributions to health and education in Guatemala. We use Solomon's (2010) dimensions of proliferation, professionalisation, and partnering to compare firms' pre-Alianzas efforts with programme activities. Both firms with established and new philanthropic programmes engaged with Alianzas (proliferation). Most participants were willing to steer efforts towards public priorities (professionalisation) and collaborate with government (partnering). Given chronic underfunding of health and education priorities in Guatemala, we suggest that private contributions to public programmes be institutionalised.

De la philanthropie à la responsabilité sociale des entreprises au Guatemala : évaluer les changements obtenus à travers les Alianzas

Les entreprises latino-américaines sont en passe de s'éloigner de la philanthropie étroite et choisissent plutôt une approche large du travail sur les priorités de développement. Nous examinons cette évolution à partir de données émanant des Alianzas, un programme de développement qui favorise les contributions privées à la santé et à l'éducation au Guatemala. Nous employons les dimensions de Solomon (2010) de prolifération, professionnalisation et établissement de partenariats pour comparer les efforts des entreprises pré-Alianzas aux activités de programme. Des entreprises dotées de programmes philanthropiques établis ainsi que nouveaux ont collaboré avec des Alianzas (prolifération). La plupart des participants étaient disposés à orienter les efforts vers les priorités publiques (professionnalisation) et à collaborer avec le gouvernement (établissement de partenariats). Étant donné le sous-financement chronique des priorités en matière de santé et d'éducation au Guatemala, nous proposons que les contributions privées aux programmes publics soient institutionnalisées.

De filantropia à responsabilidade social corporativa na Guatemala: avaliando mudanças através do programa Alianzas

Empresas latino-americanas estão mudando de filantropia limitada para engajamento mais amplo com prioridades de desenvolvimento. Examinamos esta mudança com dados do Alianzas, um programa de desenvolvimento que promove contribuições privadas para a saúde e educação na Guatemala. Utilizamos as dimensões de Solomon (2010) de proliferação, profissionalização e parceria para comparar os esforços das empresas pré-Alianzas com atividades do programa. Tanto as empresas com programas filantrópicos estabelecidos quanto as empresas com programas filantrópicos novos engajaram-se com a Alianzas (proliferação). A maioria dos participantes desejava dirigir esforços para prioridades públicas (profissionalização) e colaborar com o governo (parceria). Tendo em vista o baixo investimento crônico nas prioridades da saúde e educação na Guatemala, sugerimos que contribuições privadas para programas públicos sejam institucionalizadas.

De la filantropía a la responsabilidad social corporativa en Guatemala: cómo se evalúan los cambios a través de Alianzas

Las empresas latinoamericanas están abandonando sus prácticas exclusivamente filantrópicas para asumir un mayor compromiso con las prioridades del desarrollo. Los autores analizan esta transición a través de la información obtenida de Alianzas, un programa de desarrollo que promueve el financiamiento privado en las áreas de salud y educación en Guatemala. Utilizan las categorías de Solomon (2010) –difusión, profesionalización y construcción de acuerdos– para comparar las actividades de las empresas antes y después de participar en el programa Alianzas. En el programa Alianzas participaron tanto las empresas con experiencia en actividades filantrópicas como las que no la tenían (difusión). La mayoría de las empresas que participaron encaminó sus esfuerzos hacia las prioridades públicas (profesionalización) y hacia la colaboración con el gobierno (construcción de acuerdos). Dada la escasez crónica de financiamiento para la salud y la educación en Guatemala, los autores sugieren que se institucionalicen las donaciones privadas para los programas públicos.     

美国在拉美软实力的构建及其对中国的启示

从历史的角度看,门罗主义和泛美主义为美国确立其在拉美的霸权和维护其利益提供了合理合法的依据.美国以其自身的民主政治制度、发展道路为模式,不断向拉美国家输出其民主政治和自由市场价值观,帮助拉美国家确立美国认同的民主制度,统一西半球经济思想意识.同时,美国在国际制度方面也不断创新,以集体约束的方式使拉美国家置于美国的领导之下,锁定对其有利的"软"资源.美国还通过各种公共外交手段使其价值观在拉美得到了更深入的传播.地理的邻近使美国的大众文化在拉美国家的传播和影响迅捷和普遍,产生了巨大的吸引力.伊拉克战争虽然削弱了美国在拉美的软实力,但毋庸置疑的是,目前仍然没有一个国家在这一地区的软实力可以与之匹敌.美国在拉美软实力的构建为中国在外交战略、价值观传播和文化交流等方面提供了借鉴.     

从“进口替代”到“出口导向”:拉美国家工业化模式的转型

去工业化现象是导致拉美国家20多年经济滑坡最直接的原因,而去工业化现象的深层背景则源于工业化模式转型的历史性延误。从进口替代到出口导向,拉美国家虽然经历了艰难曲折,但最终能够实现这一转型也为在新的国际环境下重振工业化奠定了必要的基础。从当前的情况看,由于国际市场对资源类产品的需求持续旺盛,对外开放的进程不断深化,拉美国家所实行的发挥非熟练劳动力和自然资源等静态比较优势的生产专门化模式对拉动经济增长产生了积极的作用。但是,拉美国家也面临现有产业国际竞争相对较弱,产品出口受外部市场波动的影响较大,高新技术产业发展滞后,工业部门创造就业的能力不强,工业技术设备对外依赖的程度有所加深。因此,如何克服这些弱点,使现有工业化模式不断走向完备与成熟,仍是拉美国家面临的一大挑战,进而产业政策的回归也成为客观要求。     

Informal interference in the judiciary in new democracies: a comparison of six African and Latin American cases

This article focuses on the efforts of power holders – at the executive or the legislative level – to influence or curb court activity informally or extra-legally, an acknowledged but under-researched topic in studies of judicial politics. We first define informal judicial interference and operationalize the concept; we then explain how we collected information on the topic through systematic cross-country interviewing. Our concept focuses on judicial intervention actions exercised by political actors once judges are on the bench. We distinguish these actions according to type – direct or subtle – and further differentiate each type according to six different modes. We provide new empirical data on informal interference in six third-wave democracies, three in Africa (Benin, Madagascar, and Senegal) and three in Latin America (Argentina, Chile, and Paraguay). Our empirical findings, first, confirm the importance of informal practices in shaping political-judicial relations. Second, they point to long-standing legacies and to the level of socio-economic development as possible explanations for different performances in terms of the prevalence and severity of informal interference in the judiciary in these newly established democratic regimes     

中国社会科学论坛(2011年·国际研究)中国和拉美可持续发展的挑战:基础设施和城市化综述

2011年4月28日,中国社会科学论坛(2011年·国际研究)在北京国际饭店隆重举行.本次论坛是中国社会科学院举行的关于拉美问题的第七次年度国际论坛,论坛的主题是中国和拉美可持续发展的挑战:基础设施和城市化.