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印度地方政党及其政治影响   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
印度的地方政党总体上有种族民族主义政党、教派主义政党和种姓政党三大类型。它们的产生与独立以来社会阶级结构和种姓结构的变化有关,是国大党高度集权体制催生的地方主义兴起的产物。它打破了传统的权力平衡,改变了人民院的权力结构,也使得印度的政党政治走向地方化,改变未来联邦—邦的关系模式。  相似文献   

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关于非正规经济的概念、起源、分类、各种不同的理解、非正规经济的影响以及国家对非正规经济的政策等问题 ,目前已有很多论述 ,有些还较为系统。但是 ,关于这个问题的政治方面 ,似乎还谈得不够 ,笔者拟从这个角度作一补充。首先 ,非正规经济问题最早是由秘鲁经济学家埃尔南多·德索托提出来的 ,当时他是把这个问题作为一个政治问题提出的。他在 1 986年出版的那部有名的关于秘鲁非正规经济的著作 ,就用了一个十分醒目的标题 :《另一条道路———第三世界隐匿的革命》 ,表明作者写作该书的目的就是要给第三世界国家指出一条“革命”的道路。…  相似文献   

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Case Study Methods in International Political Economy   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
IPE scholars frequently use qualitative methods to contribute to theory-building, but we could get greater value from them. Single case studies are actually a family of research designs: the disciplined interpretive case study, the hypothesis-generating case study, the least-likely, most-likely, and deviant case studies. The method of difference employs comparison and attempts to eliminate rival interpretation by choosing two or more cases that match in important respects. These methods enjoy several inherent advantages relative to statistical methods, and they suffer from several disadvantages. Neither family of methods is sufficient. The two complement one another and ultimately must be combined.  相似文献   

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一 国外对拉美国家非正规经济的研究“非正规经济”在拉美国家是一个普遍现象。国外学者和有关机构对拉美非正规经济问题进行了大量研究 ,但对许多问题的认识并不一致。主要有三种观点。第一种观点 ,把非正规经济定义为低效率的边缘性活动 ,把非正规部门的就业看成是一种“就业不足现象” ,认为非正规部门属于被排斥的部门。这种认识体现在国际劳工组织、世界银行、拉美就业计划等关于发展中国家个案研究的一系列研究报告中。这种观点认为 ,非正规部门的就业具有反周期性的特点。在经济高增长时期 ,非正规部门缩小 ;在经济下降时期 ,非正规…  相似文献   

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Litigation initiated by the Institute for Democracy in Southern Africa against all political parties for the disclosure of donations initiated a debate over party-funding regulatory regimes. The case for disclosure and regulation emphasized the causal connection between secret funding and corruption as well as the weakening of democratic practice. An empirical assessment of these claims shows that secrecy has not brought about these predicted effects and that official institutions have been effective in uncovering and prosecuting political and other forms of corruption. Moreover, evidence is presented showing that the disclosure of donors' identities will prejudice smaller, opposition parties to the detriment of South Africa's multi-party democratic system. An appropriate regulatory regime for the country must emerge from a deliberative process, rather than a judicial decision, if it is to be effective. In addition, the regulations must balance transparency against the interests of smaller parties through innovative and country-specific monitoring mechanisms.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Democratic theory has recently been marked by a renewed interest in political representation that is manifest in, and proceeds from, a series of theoretical works that radically open up the concept of representation. This introductory article briefly presents some of the key theoretical propositions that are brought forward by this body of literature, but also by anthropological works on South Asia, namely (i) the intrinsic plurality of the meanings and forms of political representation; (ii) the centrality and pervasiveness of representation processes in political life; and (iii) the constructivist dimension of political representation. As I introduce the four papers in this Special Issue, which collectively demonstrate the heuristic value of an engagement with such debates to understand contemporary Indian politics, I insist that what is at stake is not so much a “crisis” of political representation as a series of events and evolutions that question received knowledge about political representation in India.  相似文献   

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In March 2017,Narendra Modi led his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to victory in state elections,among which he gained parliamentary election of Uttar Pradesh (state in northern India),known as the weather vane of Indian elections.Back in 2014,the BJP had already won a simple majority in Lok Sabha (the lower house of parliament),bringing an end to more than 30 years of coalition government.Now,the BJP is exhibiting stronger presence as a one-party-rule at both federal and local levels,with no counter-balance from the Indian National Congress,local parties,or left wing parties now or in the foreseeable future.This increases the likelihood of Modi's re-election as prime minister in 2019.Obviously,Indian political development is characterized by complexity,accidental factors and intrinsic logic,which will definitely exert great influence on the future of India.  相似文献   

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财政作为政府调节经济的重要手段,已成为影响社会资源配置、收入分配、经济稳定与增长乃至整个社会经济运行的重要因素.本文以东盟10国为研究对象,着重研究该地区经济增长与财政的现状、问题、发展趋势,并针对财政问题提出相应对策.  相似文献   

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Vladimer 《Orbis》2006,50(4):657-667
The Rose Revolution opened a new chapter in the history of modern Georgia. The post-revolution government achieved a number of successes in areas such as dramatically increasing state budget revenues, fighting corruption, and setting up effective cooperative relationships with the international financial institutions. But it made some mistakes, too, in building a democratic state in general and in its economic policy in particular. Its relationship with Russia and its excessive exposure to Russian investments is particularly troubling. The country's policies need to be fine-tuned in order to protect its democracy and promote further economic growth.  相似文献   

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英殖民政府与印度教派主义的兴起   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在近代以前 ,印度历史上的教派主义和教派冲突本来并不是特别严重。随着英国占领印度 ,并出于其殖民统治的需要对印度的穆斯林和印度教徒分别加以拉拢和利用 (实行所谓“分而治之”的政策 ) ,才使得印度的伊斯兰教徒与印度教徒从和睦共处和相互容忍的关系逐渐走向了互不信任 ,以至出现了双方的相互猜疑、忌恨甚至恶意攻击。而这一趋势的最严重后果 ,就是印度独立之初的印度教徒与伊斯兰教徒的暴力冲突和随之而来的印巴分裂。  相似文献   

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欧洲一体化研究的政治经济学方法   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
宋新宁 《国际观察》2004,21(5):1-10
欧洲问题研究的传统方法包括传统政治学方法和传统经济学方法 ,前者建立在“国家中心论”、“主权和国家利益中心论”、“政治中心论”的基础上 ;后者可以分为一般的或规范的一体化经济学理论与方法和专门性或功能性一体化经济学的理论与方法两个层次 ,但是都将一体化进程中的政治和经济因素尽可能地分割开。政治经济学方法的基本特征就是强调政治与经济之间的互动关系。国际政治经济学则为欧洲一体化研究提供了一种分析问题的多重视角。根据政治经济学和国际政治经济学的基本原理 ,作者从研究欧洲一体化出发 ,提出了四个基本理论假设 ,并进行了学理上的分析  相似文献   

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独立以来,印度社会经济发展经历了缓慢到快速进步,这是印度在全球化过程中迎头赶上知识经济潮流的重大转变。为此,印度大力发展高等教育以培养大量科技知识精英,开拓信息化等高科技产业,从而使得现代高等教育成为现代化科技产业的孵化器。印度现代高等教育是科技产业和人才的摇篮,是印度知识经济崛起的基地。  相似文献   

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文莱是东盟10国中人口最少的国家 ,国内外媒体对它的各方面情况报道不多。据我们了解到的情况 ,近年来 ,文莱政局稳定 ,积极参与东盟及国际的一些事务 ,在经济方面 ,调整过分依赖石油的单一经济结构 ,保持了经济持续发展 ,继续保持东南亚乃至亚洲最富有的国家之一。一、政局稳定文莱是一个马来伊斯兰教君主制国家 ,国家元首苏丹拥有全部最高行政权力 ,同时也是宗教领袖。近年来 ,苏丹政府继续大力推行“马来化、伊斯兰化和君主制”政策 ,巩固王室统治 ,重点扶持马来族土著人的经济 ,在进行现代化建设的同时 ,严格维护伊斯兰教义。对王室内部…  相似文献   

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This article addresses the problematic nature of "authority" in the global political economy. Focusing on the rules governing international commercial relations, which today form part of the juridical conditions of global capitalism, the location and structure of political authority are argued to be historically specific. They have changed with the emergence of different historic blocs and as a result of consequent alterations in state-societyrelations. The article emphasizes the significance of private corporate power in the construction of the global political economy and hegemonic authority relations. However, the significance of private authority is obscure and little understood by students of international relations. This gives rise to analytical and normative grounds for adopting a historical materialist approach to theanalysis of global authority that incorporates national, subnational, and transnational influences.  相似文献   

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Most contemporary intrastate military conflicts have a criminalized dimension: In various ways and to varying degrees they use smuggling networks and criminal actors to create and sustain the material basis for warfare. Despite its importance, the criminalized side of intrastate war and its legacy for postwar reconstruction is not a central focus of analysis in most scholarly accounts of armed conflict. A detailed examination of the Bosnian conflict illustrates the explanatory usefulness of a "bottom up," clandestine political economy approach to the study of war and post-war reconstruction. Drawing on interviews with former military leaders, local and international officials, and in-country observers, I argue that the outbreak, persistence, termination, and aftermath of the 1992–1995 war cannot be explained without taking into account the critical role of smuggling practices and quasi-private criminal combatants. The article suggests the need for greater bridging and broadening of the study of security, political economy, and crime.  相似文献   

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This paper examines the relationship between politics and speculative attacks in developing countries. While a burgeoning literature focuses on the economic determinants of speculative behavior, little attention has been paid to the importance of political factors. I examine the response of international capital markets to electoral and partisan changes in a sample of 78 developing countries using monthly data from January 1975 to December 1998. All other things being equal, the empirical evidence indicates that speculative attacks are more likely (1) under left rather than under right governments and (2) during the period after an election as compared with all other periods. The results suggest that models developed for OECD economies can be used to understand political-economic phenomena in developing countries.  相似文献   

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论印尼华裔政党与参政   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
2004年印尼大选已于4月份举行。国会已经修订并陆续颁布与大选有关的各项法令。中央议会将产生550名议员。正副总统将由直接选举产生。印尼华人如果按占总人口3%计算,最少有800万人(一说已超过1000万人)。在1966年至1998年苏哈托军人政权统治期间,由于受种族歧视政策的迫害,华人毫无政治权力可言,处于二等公民的地位。1998年5月苏哈托政府垮台后,华人命运才出现转机,华人社团和政党犹如雨后春笋般涌现出来,参政活动十分活跃。2001年至2002年,又有两个华人政党在政治舞台上诞生:陈有福和陈瑞霖领导的印尼民族成员党(2001年11月)和蔡华喜博士…  相似文献   

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