The self-selection of democracies into treaty design: insights from international environmental agreements

Generally, democratic regime type is positively associated with participating in international environmental agreements. In this context, this study focuses on the legal nature of an agreement, which is linked to audience costs primarily at the domestic level that occur in case of non-compliance and are felt especially by democracies. Eventually, more legalized (“hard-law”) treaties make compliance potentially more challenging and as democratic leaders may anticipate the corresponding audience costs, the likelihood that democracies select themselves into such treaties decreases. The empirical implication of our theory is that environmental agreements with a larger share of democratic members are less likely to be characterized by hard law. Results from quantitative analyses strongly support our argument, shed new light on the relationship between participation in international agreements and the form of government, and also have implications for the “words-deeds” debate in international environmental policy-making.     

安乐死"合法性"的法理分析

安乐死“合法性”研究应是“合法化”研究的前导。否则后者很可能陷入盲目。从逻辑上说,“安乐死合法性”具有三种可能内涵:安乐死不违法;依法律施行安乐死;安乐死是一种权利。分析表明,第一种和第三种安乐死合法性尚不能被现代法权系统承认。各国安乐死立法主要体现了第二种安乐死合法性。第一种安乐死合法性容易被遗忘和忽视;第二种安乐死合法性目前遭到了广泛的误解;第三种安乐死合法性则是误解的产物并且超出了法律的维度。     

安乐死"合法性"的法理分析

安乐死“合法性”研究应是“合法化”研究的前导.否则后者很可能陷入盲目.从逻辑上说,“安乐死合法性”具有三种可能内涵：安乐死不违法;依法律施行安乐死;安乐死是一种权利.分析表明,第一种和第三种安乐死合法性尚不能被现代法权系统承认.各国安乐死立法主要体现了第二种安乐死合法性.第一种安乐死合法性容易被遗忘和忽视;第二种安乐死合法性目前遭到了广泛的误解;第三种安乐死合法性则是误解的产物并且超出了法律的维度.     

The Fourteenth Amendment and symbolic legality

This article examines several key tensions in thesymbolic legality or social representation of our society's core legal values. It argues that present Fourteenth Amendment jurisprudence ignores the realities of contemporary social life and serves up ineffective due process protections as poor substitutes for genuine or meaningful equal protection remedies. By documenting the importance situation and context and verifying the limits of due process, social science data underscore the rift between social reality and equal protection rhetoric and thereby increase existing tensions in the symbolic legality.     

The effects of presumptive parole dates on institutional behavior: A preliminary assessment

This article reports research conducted by the United States Parole Commission to examine whether the provision of greater determinacy in the setting of prison release dates, known as “presumptive parole,” affects the frequency or nature of prison disciplinary infractions or program participation. An experimental design was used in which prisoners in an eligible pool of cases were randomly allocated to experimental (early notification of a “firm” parole date) and control (traditional procedure) groups.     

民本理念和党执政的合法性基础

以胡锦涛为总书记的新一届中央领导对民本理念十分重视。民本理念是党执政的合法性的必然内容,党所处的历史方位决定坚持民本理念的重要性,党执政方式的转变决定坚持民本理念的现实紧迫性。从社会主义国家的经验教训看,落实民本理念要特别重视民本理念的机制建设。     

The legality of employee attitude surveys in union environments

Employee attitude surveys are becoming an increasingly popular tool for employers. A host of legal implications, such as the circumstances under which they can be used, what they can ask, and whether or not they are a subject of mandatory bargaining, arise when surveys are conducted by companies that have an incumbent union or by companies that are involved in union-organizing campaigns. The following article describes the survey process, outlines some of the inherent advantages and pitfalls, and examines the legal questions raised when surveys are used by nonunion employers, by employers with incumbent unions, and by employers who are involved in union-organizing-campaigns. It concludes with recommendations for employers that undertake attitude surveys.     

China and UN environmental policy: institutional growth,learning and implementation

The focus of this article is on whether, and to what extent, the major UN bodies for environmental issues—the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP), the Commission for Sustainable Development (CSD), and the Global Environmental Facility (GEF)—have had any impact upon how China addresses and approaches its environmental issues. The UN bodies seem to have had some degree of day-to-day influence in a range of fields. UNEP has provided assistance in terms of policy formulation, technical assistance, training of personnel, public awareness and networking. The CSD seems to have made fewer practical and concrete contributions to China’s environmental policies; it serves as an arena for learning and discussion of environmental issues, rather than as a body for policy implementation. The GEF, on the other hand, has been an important source for the implementation of environmental policies in China. As to China’s contribution to environmental issues on the global arena, China does not seem to give priority to the international level of environmental policies. It is an active participant and stakeholder in international bodies such as UNEP and the CSD, but it is currently not providing any leadership. This is in clear contrast to domestic policy, where environmental issues are becoming increasingly important, attracting the attention of the media, policy-makers and the public. The article concludes that should this trend consolidate, establishing the management of the environment and natural resources as major issues in Chinese politics, it is reasonable to expect that China will in the future aim to play a leading role in environmental politics at the international level.     

Longitudinal effects of domestic violence on employment and welfare outcomes

This study uses longitudinal data spanning 13 years from a study of 234 adolescent mothers to evaluate the effects of cumulative domestic violence on employment and welfare use before and after welfare reform. Domestic violence increased the odds of unemployment after welfare reform, but not before; domestic violence had no effect on welfare use during any time period. Psychological distress after welfare reform was associated with unemployment, but not with welfare outcomes. Thus, the authors found that the direct effect of domestic violence on unemployment is not mediated by concurrent level of psychological distress. The relationship of psychological distress to unemployment exists only for those with a history of domestic violence. Cumulative domestic violence can have negative effects on economic capacity many years after the violence occurs, suggesting that policymakers recognize the long-term nature of the impact of domestic violence on women's capacity to be economically self-reliant.     

The semiotics of international law: Interpretation of the abm treaty

Loyola Law School, 1441 West Olympic Blvd, Los Angeles, CA 90015, U.S.A. My thanks to Jacqueline Grunfeld for valuable research assistance.     

The role of valuation and bargaining in optimising transboundary watercourse treaty regimes

In the face of water scarcity, growing water demands, population increase, ecosystem degradation, or climate change, transboundary watercourse states inevitably have to make difficult decisions on how finite quantities of water are distributed. Such waters, and their associated ecosystem services, offer multiple benefits. Valuation and bargaining can play a key role in the sharing of these ecosystems services and their associated benefits across sovereign borders. Ecosystem services in transboundary watercourses essentially constitute a portfolio of assets. While challenging, their commodification, which creates property rights, supports trading. Such trading offers a means by which to resolve conflicts over competing uses and allows states to optimise their ‘portfolios’. However, despite this potential, adoption of appropriate treaty frameworks that might facilitate a market-based approach to the discovery and allocation of water-related ecosystem services at the transboundary level remains both a challenge and a topic worthy of further study. Drawing upon concepts in law and economics, this paper therefore seeks to advance the study of how treaty frameworks might be developed in a way that supports such a market-based approach to ecosystem services and transboundary waters.     

The ECB's performance under the ESM treaty on a sliding scale of delegation

Two opposing theories explain the European Central Bank's (ECB) far‐reaching powers: principal‐agent and trusteeship. This article situates both theories on a sliding scale of delegation, with agents on one end of the spectrum, and trustees on the other. Applying this new perspective to the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) allows us to understand how the ECB, positioned on the agent side of the scale by the ESM Treaty, slides towards the trustee side in practice. This way, the article identifies two problems. Firstly, the ECB assumes a ‘zone of discretion’ that is not captured by the control mechanisms, thereby disregarding an essential feature of delegation. Secondly, the rationale of the Meroni doctrine, judicial review, is disregarded given the insufficient protection against the ECB's actions. These findings become increasingly important with the long‐term aim to incorporate the ESM in the EU legal order.