Rational and Pluralistic Approaches to HAVA Implementation: The Cases of Georgia and California

The Help America Vote Act (HAVA) has created a new dynamic forthe oversight and implementation of federal elections, requiringstates to assume greater control of election processes vis-à-vistheir local governments than was previously the case in moststates. We consider how HAVA has changed the relationship betweenstates and localities, especially through the HAVA planningprocess. We examine two approaches that states have used inHAVA planning—a rational approach and a pluralistic approach—andhow each can shape the power relationship between states andlocalities. We then present case studies from Georgia and Californiato illustrate how these two approaches have functioned in practice.     

Financial Condition and Internal Control Deficiencies: Evidence From New York Counties

In recent years, significant attention has been given to measuring the financial condition of local governments, predicting when those governments will experience fiscal distress, and understanding how public managers navigate financial shortfalls. Researchers have given less focus, however, to understanding how financial condition affects other financial management practices—such as the administrative systems used to ensure financial accountability. This study uses a 19-year panel of county-level data from New York State to examine whether financial condition affects the likelihood of internal control deficiencies. The findings indicate that the incidence and severity of internal control deficiencies increase as financial condition deteriorates.     

从执行研究到治理的发展:方法论视角

在政策过程研究中,执行一直是最具变化同时也是最具争议的一个研究领域.相关研究"范式"经历了诸多的转变,并形成了大量的理论模式.本文对执行研究的发展进行了较为全面的梳理.其主要观点是,从"行动者-结构"的方法论视角切入,执行研究的内在发展脉络将得到一个较为清晰的解释.这一方法论分析还将有助与解释近年来在政策研究中,治理与政策网络分析的兴起.对于执行研究中长期存在的方法论冲突,一种结合治理理论的政策网络分析其实包含着某种整合性的回答.     

The Effect of HAVA on Late-to-Innovate States: External Influence on Election Reform in Arizona and Illinois

As election reform diffused across the American states, therewas considerable variation in the states' willingness to innovate,their timing in doing so, and the influence of the federal HelpAmerica Vote Act (HAVA). Through the lens of the policy-diffusionliterature, this article examines the reform processes in Arizonaand Illinois, two representatives of the handful of states thatwere late in innovating, in order to test for effects of HAVAon state decision making. These "late-to-innovate" states wereunique compared with the preponderance of other states thatinnovated earlier. Typical internal variables explained whyArizona and Illinois fell into gridlock over election reforminitially, but we must turn to other (external) explanationsto understand the ultimate decisions to innovate. Also, althoughthey are similar in being late to innovate, these two statesdisplay interesting differences as well.     

The New President Makes a Budget: From Eisenhower to Bush

Beginning with Eisenhower in 1953, newly elected presidents have proposed revisions to the budgets their predecessors submitted just before leaving office. Only Eisenhower and Reagan enjoyed substantial success in these efforts; the other four soon found that Congress has become increasingly determined to work its own will in budgetary matters. While we have only six cases of new presidents who tried to revise their predecessors' budgets, it seems clear that the two most significant determinants of success have been the personal popularity of the president and a favorable ideological (not partisan) balance in Congress.     

State Government Targeting in Economic Development: The New York Experience

New York State has made extensive use of social, geographic,and sectoral targeting in economic development. It has targetedboth distressed industries, particularly manufacturing, andgrowth industries. When the initial assistance provided to manufacturingin the 1960s did not stem the decline of this sector, the stateresponded by providing larger subsidies. Even though manufacturingcontinued to decline, both absolutely and relatively, supportfor its preferred status has, nevertheless, remained strong,and few of the programs initially aimed at this sector haveseen any sign cant changes in their manufacturing focus. Effortsto target distressed areas and individuals, however, were notsustained over time. The state's two most significant effortsat geographic targeting were expanded statewide over relativelyshort periods of time.     

The Use of Force in British Foreign Policy: From New Labour to the Coalition

This article studies the ideational underpinnings of the UK Coalition government's ‘liberal conservative’ foreign policy. It begins by suggesting that an Iraq‐centric account of Blair's foreign policy suggests a grand vision on the prime minister's part that was lacking from his earlier foreign policy adventures, which relied on a more conventional form of British statecraft. The second section contends that the Gordon Brown years 2007–10 and, since the end of New Labour, Coalition foreign policy, can be seen as a response both to the substance and style of Blair's highly personalised stewardship of foreign policy post‐9/11. The war on terror and the invasion of Iraq were accompanied by a seemingly open‐ended democracy promotion around the globe which was quite out of character with past British practice. The article argues, therefore, that under Brown and Cameron cautious pragmatism has tended to win out over the proclamation of grand strategic ambition.     

New Federalism Modified: Jobs and Highways in New York

The Job Training Partnership Act of 1982 (JTPA) and the SurfaceTransportation Assistance Act of 1983 (STAA) were intended inpart to stimulate the American economy out of recession. Eachlaw embodied a different approach to that goal and, hence, poseddifferent implementation challenges to the states. JTPA wasintended to decentralize decisionmakingand administration tothe states, and to in volve the private sector in state andlocal decisionmaking processes. Moreover,the level of federalaid was reduced below that available under its predecessor,the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act (CETA). STAA wasintended to inject increased federal funds for rebuilding roadsand highways. Its stipulation that states bring their standardsfor truck dimensions and routes into line with new nationalstandards was a centralizing feature of the legislation. Inexamining responses of the states in 1983 to these laws, particularlyNew York, decentralization appeared to be on track in the earlyimplementation of JTPA. The level of involvement of governorsand, to a lesser extent, legislatures was higher than underCETA. The implementation of STAA revealed both decentralizingand centralizing features at work. Participation of the NewYork legislature in deciding how the increased highway fundswere to be spent was much higher than before STAA, but conflictsbetween the national and state governments over the new nationalstandards were resolved in favor of the national government.     

The Development of Local Discretionary Authority in New York

Central control of cities was established policy during thecolonial period. The policy was continued after independence.By 1839, all cities were allowed to elect their mayors, anda movement commenced to limit the powers of the legislatureover local governments. An 1874 constitutional amendment forbadethe legislature to enact a special or local bill in seven areas,and the 1894 constitution allowed a city to veto a special cityact, subject to repassage by the legislature. Although constitutionalamendments in 1923, 1935, 1938, and 1963 broadened local powers,the Court of Appeals in the 1920s and 1930s tended to restrictthe powers of local governments. The most important changesin the powers of local governments have occurred since 1980as the result of advisory opinions, issued by the attorney generaland state comptroller, broadening the powers of local governments.Nevertheless, the legislature retains the authority to enactgeneral laws imposing mandates and restraints upon local governments.Such mandates and restraints are responsible for New York beingranked thirty-fifth in terms of discretionary authority grantedto local governments.     

The Political Consequences of Policing: Evidence from New York City

Political Behavior - This paper explores the effect that municipal policing can exert on politics, and specifically investigates the effect that Stop, Question, and Frisk (SQF) policing has had on...     

Budget Deficits in the States: New York

New York faces large projected budget shortfalls. Although the recession has contributed, a large part of the shortfalls are due to long standing structural imbalances. The structural imbalances result from high spending levels, particularly on Medicaid and education, a volatile revenue structure, and political forces that make it difficult to achieve recurring spending reductions. In the most recent budget session, federal stimulus money allowed legislators to avoid the tough decisions needed to move the state toward long-run fiscal balance, and the adoption of increased income tax rates for high earners is likely to increase revenue volatility moving forward.     

The New Federalism Game: Primacy Implementation of Environmental Policy

Federal environmental laws have substantially preempted statepowers over pollution control. Many of these laws contain aunique implementation scheme called "primacy," which offersa state the opportunity to become the primary enforcement agentfor federal policies. Primacy relieves the federal governmentfrom enforcing laws within state boundaries even while it retainsultimate control over the policies involved and sets minimumstandards. By and large, states have chosen to accept primacy.Characteristics of the units involved in the implementationprocess explain much of this success. Deviations from the expectedpatterns reveal how states can manipulate primacy to their ownadvantage. It is possible, however, that game playing by thestates under primacy could undermine the ultimate goals of nationalenvironmental policies.     

Englishmen in New York: The SIS American Station, 1915-21

This article examines the organization, personnel and selected operations of the British Secret Intelligence Service (MI6) in New York during and immediately after the First World War. Under the leadership of Sir William Wiseman, SIS agents successfully combated German intrigues as well as Irish and Indian nationalists. The greatest challenges, however, were managing the shifting relationship with American authorities and the encroachments of rival British agencies such as MI5. The roles of Guy Gaunt, Robert Nathan and Norman Thwaites are given particular attention.     

从诚实到信任:社会伦理的新视角

我们常常说"诚实守信","诚实"与"守信"却是非常不同的."诚实"是指一个人的内在品质,具有这样品质的人,会表现出诸多相关联的行为及态度,例如,诚实的人总是言行一致,也能做到"言必行、行必果",而且还勇于承担责任,对自己的过错不躲避、不推诿.     

Fiscal Reaction to State Aid Uncertainties: Evidence from New York State

Late budgets have become increasingly present across the states and especially persistent in states such as New York and California. The combination of delayed states budgets and institutional constraints may trigger specific budgetary strategies. Uncertainty over state aid may lead school districts to over‐ or underestimate school budgets, which ultimately may have an effect on real property taxes and the amount of education consumed. Evidence from New York State school districts suggests that school districts react to uncertainty in the state budget through a combination of revenue, expenditure, and fund balance changes. The findings suggest that districts engage in “gaming” the institutional constraints, and tend to build up large fund balances as a response to perceived uncertainty.