Space Mines: Dialectics of Legality

The development of micro-satellites, including nano-satellites, has opened up opportunities for their varied uses. One such utility is as space mines. The purpose of this instrumentality is protective and defensive to escort important space-mission vehicles. These act as security commandoes till impelled to action by anticipated threat or hostile intruder entering the path. Similarly, conventional land mines can be adapted for use on the surface of the moon. These, also termed “space mines,” can serve as proximity or peripheral defense to installations and national assets on the moon and other celestial bodies.

Space mines by their small mass and weight or nature of operation cannot be regarded a weapon of mass destruction or used as nuclear weapon prohibited under the Outer Space Treaty. Secondly, their deployment in passive defensive role does not foul with any substantive provision of space law. Nor are these prohibited by any definitional embargo. Illusioned by the apparent legality, space mines could be strategized in large configurations making outer space environment denser for safe space traffic. Modern satellites are high-cost vehicles and their operational economics cannot brook attrition.

Considering the comparable purpose and role of space mines, one needs to draw wisdom from experience with landmines or cluster bombs. These have been banned on the earth after suffering enormous losses and tragedy. Prudence ordains to learn from past mistakes and it would seem sagacious to nip the evil of space mines in the bud itself.     

略论唯物史观视阈中的环境意识

从唯物史观的层面上来探讨环境意识,一方面从环境意识的产生、发展、深化和拓展的历史中阐明了环境意识对人和环境的关系这个客观存在的绝对依赖性,另一方面阐述了环境意识具有相对独立性,这表现在环境意识的发展变化与人与环境关系的发展变化的不完全同步性、环境意识的发展具有历史继承性、环境意识对社会存在具有反作用.     

Nature,Dialectics and Emancipatory Politics

Ecofeminist theory and politics, which originally grew out of the radical feminist movement and peace and environmental movements of the early 1970s, is composed of many voices. Since the 1970s, ecofeminists have emerged in such places as India, with the work of Vandana Shiva, and Australia, with the work of Ariel Salleh, among others, expanding beyond their Western origins. Like feminists, ecofeminists do not claim a single theoretical position and practice. And like feminism, ecofeminism is constantly changing, motivated, in part, by the lively theoretical debates within it. The purpose of this interview is to introduce the reader to ecofeminist philosophy, to explore what ecofeminism is, what ecofeminists' central debates are about, where they are going, and what ecofeminism's possibilities are as a theoretical tool for understanding the underlying structures of social and ecological problems.

Barbara Holland‐Cunz has contributed to ecofeminist theory and politics since the 1970s. She has been an active member in the feminist movement, the anti‐militarist movement, and the anti‐nuclear movement in Germany since 1978. She holds a Doctorate of Philosophy in Political Science from Frankfurt University, where she currently teaches in the Women's Studies center in the Social Sciences Department. Holland‐Cunz' research areas include political theory, philosophy of nature, feminist politics and utopias, and the history of ecofeminism. The courses she teaches include: feminist theory and epistemology, gender in political theory, political strategies and Utopian thought, and ecology and the philosophy of nature. Holland‐Cunz lives in Frankfurt am Main, Germany and is an Editor of CNS.     

Merleau-Ponty's Conception of Dialectics in Phenomenology of Perception

Although the fact that Merleau-Ponty has a dialectical approach in Phenomenology of Perception has been discussed in recent Anglophone readings, there has not been an explicit clarification as to how his varying usages of the term hang together. Given his repeated references to Hegel and to dialectics, coupled with the fact that dialectics are not part of the Husserlian phenomenology or Heideggerean existentialism from which Merleau-Ponty draws so much, the question of just what he does with the idea of dialectics presents itself. In this paper I argue that, in Phenomenology of Perception, Merleau-Ponty saw Hegel as providing a model for the conception of rationality and meaning that must underpin the existentialist response to the problems bequeathed him by Husserlian phenomenology: namely, the problems of embodiment, perception and the constitution of the world. In connection with this, I suggest an interpretation of Merleau-Ponty's “existential dialectics” that focuses on his three principal uses of the term: 1) a “dialectic of objective thought,” 2) a set of existential-dialectical categories intended to capture the ontological structure of the “body-subject” as “being-in-the-world,” and 3) a dialectic at the cultural level concerning others and history.     

浅析阿多诺《否定的辩证法》中的形而上学批判

阿多诺在《否定的辩证法》一书中对形而上学进行了批判,主要批判了形而上学传统中的同一性思维、概念帝国主义以及体系性。阿多诺认为同一性思想破坏了现象界的多样性和特殊性,妄图消解一切矛盾是需要批判的。同时,阿多诺也批判了海德格尔的形而上学观,特别是海德格尔的存在概念和基础本体论。最后,阿多诺提出了自己的否定的辩证法并且建构了这一理论存在的空间—星丛。否定的辩证法强调非同一性和彻底的否定性,注重特殊性和个别性。     

原生态的思与原生态的辩证法

20世纪西方哲学的反认识论,同时也是辩证法由次生态向原生态的返归.传统哲学中的规律化逻辑化的辩证法,只是辩证法的次生态,辩证法应该回归原生态.卢卡奇通过"总体性意识"肯定了人的"意识"对现实变易过程的参与性,由此使辩证法开始向原生态的"思"返归.阿多诺提出"否定的理性",还原了主客体社会历史性的本源关系,同时使辩证法进一步指向本源的"理性".维特根斯坦的"语言游戏"对于辩证法的启示在于:辩证法是在人际之间展开的"智慧"--既是主动的又是被制约的,这恰好接近古希腊哲学家对辩证法的指认--在"论辩"中揭露和克服对方的自相矛盾.海德格尔哲学同样对辩证法有所启示:他将人际之间展开的智慧(思)进一步内置于"存在"--人的"做".由此可以得出这样的结论:原生态的辩证法即原生态的"思".原生态的"思"不是外在于"存在"的抽象的"思",而是内在于"存在"的具体的"思".这种"思"内在于"做",它展开在人际间,既是"个性"的,又是"非私人性"的,它是自觉的、自由的、非规律的.辩证法不是"普遍规律",与其说它是规律,莫如说它是反规律.     

"分析马克思主义"剥削理论辨正

"剥削"是"分析马克思主义"研究的一个热点问题,它试图将种种"分配不公"诠释为"剥削".然而从马克思的经典文献及其经济理论的精神实质考察,"剥削"和"分配不公"是有本质区别的."剥削"是一切旧制度所特有的本质属性,消灭"剥削"是马克思实现人的解放的必然步骤,而"分配不公"在社会主义初级阶段还将长期存在.对"剥削"的种种错误解读,必定会遮蔽社会主义制度和一切旧制度的本质区别,从而引起人们认识上和操作上的混乱.因此,对"分析马克思主义"剥削理论的辨正,理论和实践价值颇大.     

历险的辩证法——拯救者与拯救者被拯救

从思想史和形态学视角来看,自辩证法产生以来现已形成多种样态:从变易、转化、生成的辩证法,到归谬、对话乃至共相的辩证法,再到超越抽象知性的消极否定辩证法、积极肯定的思辨辩证法,以及唯物辩证法;经历了辩证法与反辩证法的论辩、形而上学与辩证思维的斗争、辩证法的历险。马克思从黑格尔哲学中拯救出辩证法,并创造性地将其改造为历史(实践)辩证法、劳动和生产辩证法;恩格斯则创立了自然辩证法。但第二与第三国际的"正统马克思主义者们"却遮蔽和遗弃了具有革命本性的辩证法,以卢卡奇为奠基人的西方马克思主义理论家担当起从马克思主义传统中再次拯救辩证法的使命。然而,在拯救者被拯救的过程中,在总体性原则下,由于辩证法的可理解性只被限定在历史领域,单纯强调主客体相互作用的同时,却否定了自然辩证法。"两个共同体"思想的提出,不仅重新表达了马克思主义总体性辩证法,而且彰显出自然辩证法的当代意蕴。     

邓小平:运用唯物辩证法的典范

作为中国改革开放和社会主义现代化建设总设计师的邓小平,为我们留下了丰厚而宝贵的精神财富。其中他对唯物辩证法的成功运用和深刻论述,对于正在全面推进小康社会建设的我们,具有重要而直接的启迪作用。这主要包括:坚持共性与个性相统一、坚持两点论和重点论相统一、坚持肯定和否定相统一。     

Dialectics and the Megamachine: A Critique of Ersatz Education

This article proposes that the learning environment matters, and that there are qualitative differences in online versus face-to-face classes. While online education provides some benefits, they also narrow the opportunities for dialectical conflict that thoroughly challenge student thinking, an interaction more likely to be found in real-time conversations. In person, there is more opportunity for an instructor to challenge the reasoning of students in real time, and for students to ask probing and follow-up questions. The article considers the structure of educational dialectic suggested by important thinkers including Galtung, Habermas, and Buber. Online education is then situated as a technology that interferes with human relations and dialectical reasoning and fits within the notion of technics and the megamachine advanced by Lewis Mumford, which dehumanizes personal interactions with instrumental processes for growth and efficiency. Students follow suit by focusing more on the instrumental absorption of course content to pass the course, instead of higher order critique. Of particular interest to political science education is that if conversational dialectics are weakened in universities, and therefore polities—and the technics are simply considered a natural replacement for in-person conversation—the opportunities to teach critical reasoning required for critique of complex political phenomena are also narrowed. We might temper the dangers of the megamachine by reflexively discussing the political economy of online teaching itself with our students and by starting to expect synchronous conversation, which will open dialectical opportunities.     

东方哲学智慧与辩证法的新规律——谈“分合互动律”

黑格尔的欧式辩证法,侧重分,即从一分为二的角度去说明矛盾存在于事物内部,并且是发展的动力。而中国哲学侧重合,从合二为一的角度说明矛盾的性质及认识的规律。如果把矛盾的分与合、一分为二与合二为一结合起来,则可以在矛盾规律的本体论与认识论方面达到更高的境界。这就是分合互动律的含义。     

论思辨辩证法的称谓、对象、动力和开端问题

按照黑格尔自身的逻辑,思辩辩证法是比辩证法更合理的称谓,称谓的改变意味着对黑格尔哲学精神理解的改变。思辨辩证法认为哲学的对象和宗教的对象是同一个对象,即绝对精神的自身演化和自我实现的运动,这种运动以精神的自我相关和自我否定的本性为动力,因而它的开端和终点都是一种中介化了的自我圆圈。     

论涂尔干社会学方法从实证主义方法向辩证法的转变——兼论其大学研究的特殊理论意义

涂尔干为社会学奠定了两项方法论原则:将社会事实当作物来考察的“观察社会事实的准则”;分别研究社会事实之原因和功能的“解释社会事实的准则”。然而,在他的大学研究过程中,社会学方法论的性质明显地从实证主义方法向辩证法转变。在他看来,大学是典型的社会学研究对象;鉴于大学的本质是人类批判反思能力发展的场所,而不仅仅是科学发展的场所,所以,社会学研究需要超越科学实证的方法,继承和发展西方传统的“辩证理性”方法。     

社会发展观的辩证法与和谐社会建设

社会发展观与对和谐社会问题的理解不仅仅是客观性问题或认识论问题,其更主要是价值观问题,是主体的取向与定位问题。研究发展观与和谐社会的理念,这里的出发点首先需要弄清主体的情况怎样,其需要和意志怎样,社会和谐的状况与水平由怎样的主体来评价。当前,我国的社会发展呈现出主体多元化和评价标准的多元化,这种情况下就需要体现多元主体意志的辩证法,从辩证批判与对话讨论中寻求和谐统一。和谐社会的建设要以民主文化与辩证批判为前提,民主的基础是法规制度安排和营造自由平等的人格文明两个方面,而且后者更为重要。     

具体的普遍、相异辩证法与克罗齐哲学的建构

克罗齐认为黑格尔辩证法的重要成果是"具体的普遍"这一哲学思想,从而超越了传统哲学的二元论。但黑格尔的问题在于以对立辩证法取消了相异的辩证法,从而又走向了"具体的普遍"这一思想的反面。从具体的普遍与相异的辩证法出发,克罗齐建构了自己的心灵哲学,强调认识与实践的统一性,宣称一切真历史都是当代史。克罗齐的这些思想,对马克思哲学的当代建构具有理论参照意义,但他从精神出发的理论思考,并不能真正地走向"具体的普遍"这一理论境界。