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1.
国家理性也即国家的正当理性,它涉及国家的建构、国家的目标以及国家的保存等诸多重大政治、法律问题,而启蒙时期的社会契约理论,正是围绕为何要有国家、国家如何正当等方面予以解答的学说。在启蒙思想家看来,国家的存在符合人们的本性,国家的产生源于人们的理性选择,人们造就的国家体现了公共的集体人格。有关国家理性的内容,社会契约理论从国家的正当性、国家的道德性、国家的公道性、国家的中立性等方面进行了阐述。在现代社会中,为了使社会契约论规制下的国家品性得以维持,提倡公民德性和加强公民美德的培养,是其中最为关键的内容之一。  相似文献   

2.
契约精神是当今西方社会生活的基本精神,他是指存在于商品经济社会,而由此派生的契约关系与内在的原则,是一种自由、平等、守信的精神。在当今社会被广泛接受,我国在当今的经济生活中也逐渐认识并接受了这种精神。  相似文献   

3.
从身份社会到契约社会   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
从身份到契约是梅因对人类历史发展进程的一个著名概括.我国改革开放20多年的进程也可从此角度作一理解.一方面,旧的身份传统如宗法观念家族关系和相对较新的政治身份如家庭出身、阶级成分、所有制之别受到改革开放和社会主义市场经济的冲击而逐渐淡化或退出历史舞台,契约关系与契约观念逐渐生根;另一方面,某些旧的身份传统仍严重存在,如城乡之别、官民之别、家族关系等.超越身份传统走向契约社会的关键是平等化、民主化、市场化和观念的现代化.  相似文献   

4.
与社会"从身份到契约"的变革相一致,人类实现了由传统的非法治社会向近现代法治社会的转变。而面对契约社会自身难以调和的矛盾,人们开始对契约社会进行矫正的探索。可以说从契约到身份是对契约社会的进一步矫正,是让契约社会的公平正义价值得到真正的实现,是对契约社会自身缺陷的弥补。社会法的规范理念为"从契约到身份"的变革提供了理论基础。  相似文献   

5.
文化是历史凝结成的人类稳定的生存和发展模式。作为人类文明重要组成部分的法律制度,其也深深地受到文化传统积淀的影响。中国和西方具有不同的文明史,在法律的文化供给上也有很大的差异,而这一差异的基点便在于中西文化怎样解读人与人之间的关系。  相似文献   

6.
徐悦 《政府法制》2013,(8):35-35
去悉尼之前,就听说过悉尼人的刻板,在悉尼生活半年后,才真实地体验了悉尼人刻板的“契约”观念。  相似文献   

7.
社会契约的“订立”旨在使人类摆脱“自然状态”进入“社会状态”;作为国家“存在原理”,社会契约主旨是解决个人、社会和国家之间的权利与义务问题,其终极关怀是人民的福祉——保障安全、自由、财富和尊严等。但这些可欲的价值的实现须符合一种正义的原则和道德要求:平等对待和惠及包括弱势群体在内的社会合作体系中的每一个立约者。平等、互惠构成弱势群体保护的社会契约基础和道德义务,也是社会契约和社会秩序的实现条件。在这一意义上,不保护弱势群体,社会契约目的就不能达到,政府合法性就被质疑。弱势群体保护需要对社会契约进行动态完善——创新保护模式、着力后续调整、突出经济权利、建立诉讼制衡机制、高扬人本立约观。  相似文献   

8.
弱势群体保护的社会契约基础   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
赵迅 《河北法学》2011,29(11):2-13
根据订约语境的不同以及契约传统和价值取向的不同,社会契约可分为同意型社会契约、互惠型社会契约、平等型社会契约和人本型社会契约。社会契约视域下的弱势群体可相应界定为:没有实际参与同意过程而使缔约目的没有充分实现的人群;没有从社会契约中受惠并与契约伙伴同步发展的人群;没有在立约时被平等对待并予倾斜保护致其基本人权受到侵害的人群;没有在契约重大变更时处于有利地位而被作为功利考量牺牲品的人群。弱势群体保护的社会契约责任基础包括:同意型社会契约政府责任之自由基础、互惠型社会契约个人责任之功利基础、平等型社会契约社会责任之正义基础、人本型社会契约动态完善之人道基础。  相似文献   

9.
10.
契约精神是市民社会的本质产物。在法治意义上,契约精神主要由信用意识、敬业意识和公民意识构成。契约精神不仅是法治建设的内在要求,而且其本身还是法治建设的重要内容之一。从这个意义上讲,契约精神可视为法治建设的灵魂。  相似文献   

11.
颂扬个人权利和自由的社会连带主义法学的创始人--狄骥却鼓吹墨索里尼治下的"工团主义"。这只是一个简单的历史事实,但在这一事实的背后却隐藏着西方思想史的变迁,展示着西方现代性的危机。本文试图通过对他们思想关系的展开对这一变迁过程作出透视,在透视的过程中去理解西方现代性的危机。  相似文献   

12.
In A Theory of Justice, John Rawls considers neither the position of women nor the organization of the family in the just society. My paper discusses the extent to which his social contract can be extended to include justice to women in spite of this omission. Feminists have accused Rawls of creating a theory of justice for white middle class males. I argue that this is not a logical consequence of the basic elements of his theory, namely his definition of the original situation and of the veil of ignorance. The limitations of Rawls's theory arise because he deliberately constrains the social contract to the rights and duties of citizens in relation to the government while he also defines the family as being outside the sphere of citizenship and government. If this constraint is removed, the social contract must of necessity be extended to the family. I also argue that unless organization of the care and nurture of children are included in the social contract, the position of women in society is not resolved.  相似文献   

13.
This article explores what social policy contracts reveal about contemporary forms of social solidarity, and what they tell us about the nature of social cohesion in Western societies today. Taking the workfare contract as its point of departure, and drawing on Emile Durkheim's work, it is argued that social policy contracts disclose elements of mechanical and organic social solidarity. They function in both punitive and restitutive ways, their exclusionary and inclusive features acting as important sources of contemporary social solidarity. By reference to empirical evidence regarding workfare in various countries, the article highlights the importance of structural factors in determining the success of this policy. It is argued that the moralistic nature of the workfare contract, and the forms of social solidarity it expresses, obscures these deeper structural issues, leaving in place the conditions necessary for the persistence of social suffering characteristic of the post‐Keynesian era. The contention is that contract has a de‐politicizing effect in the field of social policy.  相似文献   

14.
15.
吴传毅 《行政与法》2004,(11):23-25
政府责任是民主政府与专制政府的根本区别。近现代社会大多关系表现为平等的契约关系,近现代法律大多是对契约关系的确认。根据“主权在民”学说的阐述,政府是基于人民的授权而产生的,政府不受人民信任或偏离人民的授权而行使职权或职责,对此需承担相应的责任。政府责任包括道义责任、政治责任和法律责任。我国要实现权力政府向责任政府的转变,目前迫切需要加强和完善政府责任制度的建设。  相似文献   

16.
“社会契约论”的历史演变   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
"社会契约论"自诞生以来已有二千多年的历史。在古代和近代,它以唯心主义和形而上学的方法宣布了国家的本质,其方法虽然武断但却是革命的。在当代,"社会契约论"体现为程序理性,即发现正义的方法。"社会契约论"的这种由实质理性向工具理性转换的趋势体现了法律对程序正义的重视。"社会契约论"程序理性的理念是可取的。一国的宪法在形式上往往具有"社会契约"的性质。如果说,我国的宪法还须进一步完善的话,那么强调工具理性的罗尔斯的"社会契约论"不失为一种有益的启迪。  相似文献   

17.
Abstract. This paper explores two feminist contributions to the analysis of the social contract tradition, comparing the political philosophy of Carole Pateman with the moral theory of Jean Hampton, to ask two questions. First, which points must feminists continue to argue in their critique of the social contract tradition today? The second question is: Can feminists actually draw anything from the social contract tradition today? It argues that Pateman's critique of contractarianism continues to be useful when read in the context of her analysis of “self‐ownership” and subordination rather than as a rewriting of the social contract. Hampton's deployment of a Kantian test for the failure of respect for personhood within domestic (and other) relationships does not undermine Pateman's position. Consideration of how such an ideal can be understood as potentially compatible with Pateman's perspective raises issues about the radical potential within claims for equal respect for personhood. In Hampton's work, widespread “test failure” can be used to indicate that political action rather than moral analysis is required. Hampton assumes that those employing the test are able to abstract themselves sufficiently from their current position to imagine what it would be to be treated as a person. It is argued that this “moral test” should be envisaged as being asked in concert with others, at which point it has the potential to become political action.  相似文献   

18.
在中国三十年的社会变革历程中,劳动合同立法与之同行。建立健全劳动合同制度是劳动用工制度改革的关键,劳动合同立法也是劳动立法的核心内容。劳动用工制度从固定工转化为劳动合同,经历了破冰、攻坚到立法的过程,在法制建设中表现为政策、规章、法规、专章立法到专项立法的行程。围绕着保护劳动者合法权益、协调和处理错综复杂的劳动关系,中国在劳动合同法制建设中取得了成就,也存在进一步健全的空间。  相似文献   

19.
Abstract:  The possible existence of a European democracy does not depend on the prerequisite of a homogeneous public sphere but on the understanding of the relationship between the normative basis of a European democracy—here a social contract—the structure of the European public sphere and the corresponding institutions. The normative concept of democracy as expressed in social contract theory is neither bound to the city-state nor the nation-state, but can be transferred to the European level. To realise the normative aims of the social contract the democratic institutions have to be—and were in the city—and the nation state—adapted to the structure of the respective public sphere. Two institutional characteristics of the democratic European polity could correspond to the heterogeneous European public sphere: (1) a cooperation of institutions with clearly separated and limited competences—contrary to the ideal-type sovereign institutions with broad competences in the nation-state, and (2) the policy field-oriented structure—contrary to the more uniform and functional structure of democratic institutions in the nation states.  相似文献   

20.
The Study Group on Social Justice in European Private Law are: Gert Brüggemeier (Bremen), Mauro Bussani (Trieste), Hugh Collins (London), Aurelia Colombi Ciacchi (Bremen), Giovanni Comandé (Pisa), Muriel Fabre-Magnan (Nantes), Stefan Grundmann (Berlin), Martijn Hesselink (Amsterdam) (Chairman), Christian Joerges (Florence), Brigitta Lurger (Graz), Ugo Mattei (Torino), Marisa Meli (Catania), Jacobien Rutgers (Amsterdam), Christoph Schmidt (Florence), Jane Smith (Bremen), Ruth Sefton-Green (Paris), Horatia Muir Watt (Paris), Thomas Wilhelmsson (Helsinki).  相似文献   

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