参建海上丝绸路 打造海陆新门户——广西北部湾经济区参与共建21世纪海上丝绸之路探讨

本文分析广西北部湾经济区参与共建21世纪海上丝绸之路的优势及基础,提出广西北部湾经济区参与共建21世纪海上丝绸之路、加快与东盟合作发展的建议。     

中国—东盟合作背景下广西北部湾经济区构建高层次法律人才体系研究

在中国—东盟合作的背景下,广西北部湾经济区的建设和发展需要高层次法律人才提供智力支持和保障。本文对高层次法律人才的概念、种类和特征、中国—东盟合作背景下广西北部湾经济区高层次法律人才应该具备的素质、广西北部湾经济区的建设和发展需要高层次法律人才、广西北部湾经济区构建高层次法律人才体系的举措等方面进行了研究。     

广西北部湾经济区与东盟产业对接的战略与对策

2008年广西北部湾经济区发展规划正式纳入国家战略,广西北部湾经济区作为连接中国“三南”（即西南、华南、中南地区）与东盟的主要枢纽将发挥重要作用。发展面向我国“三南”及东盟的产业协作,实现经济区与东盟的产业对接,对广西北部湾经济区建设具有重大的意义。     

RCEP背景下构建广西北部湾经济区与东盟跨境产业链研究

广西北部湾经济区作为中国面向东盟开放合作的重点地区,对于实现中国与东盟互利共赢具有重要意义。在《区域全面经济伙伴关系》背景下,构建广西北部湾经济区与东盟的电子信息、化工新材料、金属新材料等向海跨境产业链,机遇与挑战并存。广西北部湾经济区应抓住《区域全面经济伙伴关系》生效实施带来的推动跨境产业链供应链价值链融合发展的新机遇,立足互补性的产业基础和交通物流,强化产业链布局及区域间分工协作,加强与东盟国家产业合作,建立完善跨境产业合作交流机制,加快培育链主型龙头企业,推动开放型园区转型升级发展,强化项目建设,突出产业发展要素支撑,推动中国—东盟海洋经济高质量发展。     

关于进一步推进泛北部湾经济合作的几点思考

本文通过分析当前泛北部湾经济合作中存在的问题以及中国—东盟经济合作格局所发生的变化,就泛北部湾经济合作下一步的发展提出将泛北部湾经济合作机制化、明确其海上合作的地位以及夯实广西北部湾经济区建设这个合作依托等建议。     

泛北部湾-大湄公河邮轮旅游的前景及SWOT分析研究

随着中国-东盟各自经济的发展以及双方合作的加深,旅游业这一朝阳产业正逐渐受到双方的重视。本文首次提出将泛北部湾邮轮航线与湄公河观光游对接起来,形成全新的、更具旅游吸引力的旅游形式,并运用SWOT分析法对这一构想进行可行性研究,以期对中国-东盟在旅游方面的合作寻找一个新思路和新的发展方向。     

广西北部湾经济区推进中国与东盟加强防灾减灾国际合作的战略选择

推进中国与东盟加强防灾减灾国际合作是中国与东盟合作的重要领域和基础。毗邻东盟的广西北部湾经济区将发挥着重要的作用。防灾减灾是中国与东盟共同面临的重大发展问题,是推进中国与东盟经济合作的重要保障和重要的战略选择。     

广西北部湾经济区与东盟国家的经贸合作

广西北部湾经济区是中国与东盟之间唯一既有陆地接壤又有海上通道的区域,连接着中国和东盟两个市场,区位优势非常明显。随着中国与东盟国家经济的进一步发展,广西北部湾经济区与东盟国家经贸合作正面临前所未有的发展机遇。     

构建面向东盟的广西北部湾经济区企业文化建设保障体系

企业文化是企业的核心竞争力,其保障体系是企业文化得以形成、发展与创新的基础。广西北部湾经济区企业文化建设既是区域经济发展的必然要求,也是中国—东盟之间加强与深化经济交流的重要组成部分。在新的历史形势下,积极推进面向东盟的、具有多维视角的广西北部湾经济区企业文化建设保障体系,具有重要的理论与现实意义。     

论面向东盟培养外向型高级人才的策略

随着中国与东盟关系的不断发展，中国-东盟自由贸易区建设进程的推进，中国-东盟博览会永久在广西南宁举行及广西北部湾经济区建设的发展，广西对外经济保持高速增长势头，广西对外经济的蓬勃发展迫切需要外向型人才的支撑。培养大批熟悉国际规则，具备跨文化沟通能力、国际交流与合作能力的高层次外向型人才，不断提升广西面向东盟外贸的国际竞争力，培养外向型人才需要超常规的发展策略。     

『装』无限扩大的贬义词

在东北话语境里,"装"的意思就是"假",就是做秀. 　　"装"不是什么好词儿,明显含有贬义.如果有人问:那人咋样?答:装.那么我们的脑海里就会大致浮现出那人的模样,以及他的品性,会认为那是一个"不怎么样的人".至于究竟怎么个"不怎么样",我们也并不能完整表述清楚,然而在东北人的大脑中,任谁都明白是咋个情况.这个"装"字,很有些只可意会不能言传的意味.……     

Grand Strategy of ‘Restrainment’

With the end of the Cold War, the subsequent global war on terror, the global economic recession, and wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, one would think that the United States would have formulated a grand strategy for dealing with these problems. This, however, is not the case. This article advances a grand strategy of “restrainment,” as a guiding concept for our approach to international politics. It builds from the principle that U.S. policy must seek to restrain—individually and collectively—those forces, ideas, and movements in international politics that create instability, crises, and war.     

China's Energy-Driven ‘Soft Power’

Energy security has prompted China to turn its strategic gaze to the seas for the first time in six centuries. For now, Taiwan remains Beijing's uppermost priority, but there are signs that Chinese leaders are already contemplating the “day after” matters in the Taiwan Strait to resolve them to their satisfaction. In the meantime, China is attempting to shape the diplomatic environment in vital regions such as Southeast and South Asia using “soft power.” By invoking the voyages of Zheng He, the Ming Dynasty's “eunuch admiral,” Beijing sends the message that it is a trustworthy guarantor of Asian maritime security. But the success of this soft-power strategy remains in doubt.     

‘Unlawful Combatants’: The West's Treatment of Irregular Fighters in the ‘War on Terror’

The West's treatment of irregular fighters in the “war on terror” was highly problematic. This article contends that we must look beyond the assumption that political and strategic considerations compromised the law and led to the “invention” of the category of the “unlawful combatant.” Rather, the law of armed conflict itself includes strong exclusionary mechanisms towards irregular fighters. These exclusionary strands in the law came to dominate the West's strategic decision-making on the treatment of irregular fighters. Moreover, the fact that irregular fighters became such a vital issue post-9/11 was not a result of the war on terror being a new kind of war, as has often been argued. Rather, this article suggests that it reflects an identity crisis of the West's regular armed forces at the start of the twenty-first century.     

From ‘Rustless Screws’ to ‘Nail Houses’: The Evolution of Property Rights in China

This article addresses property rights in China under four headings. I begin by placing the Chinese case within the larger context of property rights literature. The second section reviews the existing scholarship on property rights in China and identifies existing lacunae. The third section provides the broad contours of the contemporary Chinese intellectual and political discourse over property rights in China. And finally, I offer several cases of property rights that illustrate the variation in the scope of the concept of property rights in China and suggest possible avenues for future research.

The right of property is the guardian of every other right, and to deprive the people of this is in fact to deprive them of their liberty.- Arthur Lee, Virginia, 1775

You reproach us with planning to do away with your property. Precisely so; that is just what we intend.- Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels¹

The fact that a legal or economic model does not exist for an activity or a behavior is no reason to oppose it, because the laws can develop out of experience and practice.- Wu Guoping, Yangtze Water Resources Commission²

     

China's ‘Peaceful Rise’ Enters Turbulence

This article seeks to place recent developments in China in a larger context through three arguments. First, Chinese military policy has indeed made a major turning over the past decade; second, this turning is based on a fragile and unrealistic strategy that is already eliciting counterreactions that will make achievement of its apparent goals increasingly difficult. Finally, this strategy's failure will present China with unwelcome choices about how far to take her use of force. The “rise” of China is now encountering turbulence that may undo it.