From Utopia to Pragmatism: the Heritage of Basismo in Local Government in the Greater Buenos Aires Region1

Abstract – Contemporary municipal politics and administration in the poor outer suburbs of Buenos Aires is heavily influenced on one hand by the heritage of grassroots Peronist activism of the 1970s and on the other by the exigencies of contemporary neo-liberalism. The paper explores the tensions between these pressures.     

嬗变中的“他者”形象:论后苏哈托时代印尼当地社会华族观

1998年五月风暴后,在反思过往民族政策的基础上,印尼新政府开始转变新秩序时代以来的华族观。本文在实地考察的基础上,结合问卷调查、访谈和笔者切身观察所得,认为在印尼政府的影响和推动下,整个印尼社会,包括中央及地方政府、军队势力和穆斯林普通民众的华族观正在发生积极的转变,华人生存空间得以扩大,同时在一定程度上亦推动了印尼民主化进程的向前发展,无形中更提高了印尼的国际民主形象。     

Between Interculturalism and Ethnocentrism: Local Government and the Indigenous Movement in Otavalo‐Ecuador

To what extent might an indigenous mayor govern beyond ethnically defined grievances, without being labelled traitor by the indigenous organisation? This article deals with the challenges faced by the Ecuadorian indigenous movement when it attains power in local government. The issue will be explored through the case of Mario Conejo, who in 2000 became the first indigenous mayor of Otavalo representing the indigenous political movement Pachakutik. Although ethnically based tensions in the local indigenous movement were evident throughout the period, 2006 saw Conejo leave Pachakutik and create a new political movement. This rupture can be traced, I argue, to an intercultural dilemma and the difficulties of ethnically defined political movements.     

后美国时代的权力结构变迁与国际制度改革——基于八国集团改革的理论思考

权力结构与制度变革的关系探讨历来是国际问题研究的核心之一。金融危机爆发后,国际权力结构进入一个后美国时代,权力的分散但非匀质化是其显著特征。本文认为,制度改革是权力结构变迁过程中的合理性诉求,结构的变迁会对原有制度框架内的支配国和受益者形成某种改革压力。另一方面,权力结构变迁的长期性决定了制度改革的继承性和包容性。从总体上看,世界权力关系的变迁将会导致国际规则的调整和完善,倾向于制度的不断演化而非完全替代。     

Economic or Political Development: The Evolution of "Native" Local Government Policy in the Territory of Papua and New Guinea, 1945–1963

In 1969, Speaker of the House Assembly of Papua and New Guinea John Guise, spoke of a "quiet decision" to limit the activities of "Native" Local Government Councils in the Territory, so that "they seem to be much more like those of Australian Shire Councils" . The present essay suggests that this "quiet decision", contrary to conventional wisdom, was not simply part of a colonial policy designed to serve "assimilationist purposes". Rather, the restricted role finally accorded to local councils was a corollary of the enhanced, post-war capacity of the metropolitan state. Early local government policy never envisaged councils as a first step toward self-government. Rather, councils were to be vehicles for securing the "systematic development of native agricultural potential". The decision to limit the scope of local government policy reflected not a rejection of this initial intent, but rather agrarian reform after 1956 was re-constituted as an object of direct government control. The legacy of local government in Papua New Guinea is not so much one of 'white' colonialism, but of 'development' entrapped in trusteeship.     

Handout or Hand‐up: Ongoing Tensions in the Long History of Government Response to Drought in Australia

In 2014 the Coalition government announced a 320 million dollar package for drought‐hit farmers. In describing this initiative as a “hand‐up” not a “hand out” Prime Minister Tony Abbott encapsulated more than 150 years of tension over whether government drought response should be unconditional limited relief or conditional longer‐term assistance. This paper considers the long history of drought assistance in Australia as seen through government legislation, year books, newspapers and personal papers. It argues that despite changing political and social circumstances, contradictions in the approach to government drought response, as well as in public and personal reactions to those policies, have remained remarkably consistent. We further suggest that lack of consensus over the inherent nature of drought is not sufficient to explain the dilemma.     

DPRK Troop Dispatches and Military Support in the Middle East: Change from Military Support to Arms Trade in the 1970s

The DPRK now trades in arms with the Middle East. However, in the October War (1973) the DPRK first began military cooperation with the Middle East by sending troops and providing unrequited military support. This switch was made to win support within the UN from these Middle Eastern countries, and so to counteract the US presence in the UN. Failing this, the DPRK withdrew from the UN in 1976. The DPRK then turned to arms trading both to build up its foreign currency reserves and to help liberate developing countries from US control.     

战后国民政府对缅遣侨问题初探

二战期间,英美两国倡导创建联合国善后救济总署(UNRRA),统筹协调战后世界各国难民的救助与遣返工作.战后,在联合国善后救济总署的指导与帮助下,国民政府精心筹划组织,动用大量人财物力,开展艰苦卓绝的东南亚华侨遣返复员工作.因国民政府对缅遣侨过程最为复杂,外交交涉最为困难,遣返人数亦最多,故成为整个遣侨工作的重中之重.     

Japan and China: A Fresh Start in a Difficult Era

No relationship is more important to the future of Asia than the one between Japan and China. PM Abe’s visit to Beijing last month put the relationship back on a firmer footing. Yet diplomacy alone will not stabilize Sino-Japanese relations. Popular attitudes in both countries also matter, and will be shaped by the success or failure of leaders to manage the growing complexity of this relationship from food security to fisheries management to national defense and new solutions to China’s growing influence over the daily lives of Japanese. Across Asia too, Japan and China will need to coexist without impeding each other’s influence. Next year’s visit to Japan by President Xi offers ample opportunity for expanding the foundation of this latest round of diplomatic “fresh starts” in the Japan-China relationship. Uncertainty over the US role in Asia, however, has made this a more difficult task.     

民族国家意识的培育与廉政文化建设——西方和亚洲国家廉政文化建设经验研究

廉政文化建设与民族国家意识的培育之间存在较高的关联度。领导层热爱祖国,通常会拥有高尚的道德情操,廉洁奉公。国民富有民族国家意识,有益于形成以符合国家利益为尺度衡量的善恶价值观念,形成公平、公正、诚实、向善的道德风尚。引导经济社会快速发展,加强对爱国主义的宣传教育,是提升民族国家意识的重要途径。     

From Antagonistic Autonomy to Relational Autonomy: A Theoretical Reflection from the Southern Cone

The concept of autonomy has acquired a plurality of meanings in international relations; this article analyzes the distinct uses given to this term in Latin America and its relationship to theoretical contributions from outside the region. The authors propose a far-reaching reconceptualization of autonomy appropriate to Latin America's new circumstances in the global context. They argue that these new circumstances favor the shift from autonomy as traditionally defined to what they call relational autonomy, a construct based on contributions from classical political theory, political sociology, gender studies, social and philosophical psychology, and the theory of complex thought.     

Military coups in the people’s republic of China: Failure,fabrication, or fancy?

The most blatant and dramatic type of political act by soldiers is the coup d’etat. Scholars of civil-military relations often argue that communist states are virtually immune to coups because of effective mechanisms of party control over the army. In the case of the People’s Republic of china (PRC), many scholars contend that there have been no successful military coups, although some assert there has been at least one abortive attempt—by Minister of Defense Lin Biao in 1971. Chinese sources have reported many botched coup plots and some sinologists have accepted there as fact and/or labeled various events in PRC history as military coups.     

菲律宾与印尼军人政治参与的比较

印度尼西亚与菲律宾是有着相似历史和相同政体的东南亚国家,军人在政治生活中起着重要作用是两国政治的共同特点.但由于国家独立过程和两国文化等的差异,两国军人政治又呈现出不同的发展态势.本文主要分三个历史阶段对两国军人政治参与进行比较分析,并对军人干政的共性进行了总结.     

“保护的责任”:冷战后西方人道主义介入的理论研究

冷战结束以来,保护的责任逐渐成为西方国际干预的指导原则。它强调国家主权中所蕴含的保护国民免于严重的人道主义罪行的责任,以及国际社会在国家未能提供这种保护时所负有的保护责任。通过强调保护弱者或者受害者的道德必需和共同人性,保护的责任试图建构人道主义干预的国际共识,用道德框架界定西方在人道主义秩序中的权力和角色。但由于保护的责任是在人道主义介入的基础上发展而来,它无法避免西方固有的权力政治模式,因而在执行保护的责任中曾发出试图突破安理会授权和当事国同意的冲动的声音,由此引发发展中国家的担心和质疑。因此,保护的责任虽然在观念上得到了国际社会的广泛接受,但目前尚未成为一种新的国际规范。     

地神信仰与泰国的国王崇拜--泰国国王崇拜的民俗学解读

泰国人民对国王的崇拜源自于泰国的原始地神崇拜,而外来婆罗门教与佛教思想的渗透及其最终与本土原始信仰的融合,则进一步巩固了人民对国王的崇拜。     

A Possession for Ever: Charles Bean,the Ancient Greeks,and Military Commemoration in Australia

For many people after the First World War, the classical world of Greece and Rome provided a language of commemoration; those who fought on Gallipoli were often keen to see parallels with the Trojan war of 3,000 years earlier. Charles Bean, Australia's classically-educated war correspondent, Official Historian, and chief visionary behind the Australian War Memorial, was as imbued with the classics as any. What is striking, however, is that Bean largely ignored parallels with Troy, focusing instead almost exclusively on fifth-century BC Athens. Bean wanted more than a language of commemoration; he desired an historical backdrop which would emphasise the place in history of the Australian Imperial Force (AIF). Only the Athenians could provide a fitting parallel for the youthful democracy of Australia.