Corporate South Africa and biodiversity in a green economy

Abstract

Environmental protection and conservation efforts pose a major challenge the world over, more so for newly industrialising countries that need to strike the precise balance between environmental preservation and future economic development. An arduous challenge for business and the government is the reconciliation of economic growth, development and natural resources conservation. Biodiversity conservation is no longer the preserve of national organisations or state bodies. Companies as users of biodiversity and contributors to its degradation and loss should be a part of the solution as well. The general business world has since entered a new era in terms of its role in aiding and disabling the move towards sustainable development. This is partly attributed to an evolution in policy making from treating the corporation as a problem to perceiving it as a vehicle for economic development and, in this context, integral to the concept of an African renaissance. It is against this backdrop that the article takes stock of the manner with which the corporate sector is conserving and preserving biodiversity as well as methods and modes that are used to do this. It also highlights some of the theories that have been posited to do this which in turn can assist in mapping future engagement. This article aims to present a case for further including the private sector in conserving and preserving biodiversity as a sub stream of environmental issues facing the world today.     

U.S. Power and the Politics of Economic Governance in the Americas

This article examines the nature of the emerging regional economic regime in the Americas and argues that the dominant approach to economic governance is one defined by the assertion of U.S. power in the region and oriented toward distinctively U.S. interests and preferences. This has been clearly evident in the evolution of the Free Trade Area of the Americas but also, with the deceleration and fragmentation of that process during 2002 and 2003, in the growing prioritization of bilateralism. The leverage afforded by the bilateral negotiation of trade agreements acts to situate primary influence in shaping the rules that constitute the regional economic regime, and the primary functions associated with governing in this context, firmly within the agencies of the U.S. state. This essay therefore explores how the hegemonic power of the United States manifests itself in the substance of the hemispheric project and the shape of the economic regime associated with it.     

Corporate raiding and the role of the state in Russia

To what extent are Russian state agencies involved in predatory behavior, and what are the determinants of their activities? Analyzing a novel data-set comprising 312 cases of illegal corporate raiding (reyderstvo) between 1999 and 2010, this article identifies a shift both in the regional and sectoral distribution of raids over time, as well as an increasing participation of state agencies in criminal raiding attacks. Using panel regression analysis to look at the determinants of increasing state involvement, this article shows that election results for the ruling president and his party, as well as the degree to which elections are manipulated throughout Russia's regions, are significantly and positively correlated with the number of raids in a given region, while regions with governors that have stronger local ties are characterized by a smaller number of attacks. A potential interpretation of these findings is that the federal center may tolerate a certain degree of predatory activities by regional elites, as long as these elites are able to deliver a sufficiently high level of electoral support for the center, with the effect being weaker in regions where the governor is interested in the long-term development of the regional economy.     

如何看待美国的软实力

约瑟夫·奈1990年提出"软实力"的概念是旨在回应盛行其时的"美国衰落论"。近年来,随着世界上反美情绪的日益高涨,又出现了"美国软实力衰落论"。实际上,美国软实力的各个组成部分,如美国在科技、教育、人口方面的竞争力,以及在思想、规范和制度安排方面的影响力,均未衰落。真正影响美国软实力的因素是美国民众的情绪和国内分歧。     

简论美国实力地位的变化

金融危机对美国实力造成重创,美国的经济实力、国际地位都有一定程度的下降,陷入暂时的衰退。但美国的实力地位不会就此衰落,它的一系列国家机制能够保障美国最终摆脱衰退,重新焕发活力。金融危机对美国的影响也是有限的,美国的全球主导地位并没有发生根本动摇,而且还将维持相当长的一段时期。     

The Rise and Fall of Capital: Corporate Malaysia in Historical Perspective

This article argues that better informed insights into the benefits and repercussions of the form of development of East Asian economies could be obtained when the theoretical perspectives from two different bodies of literature are employed collectively. If the concepts from the discipline of political economy – specifically the body of literature dealing with the developmental state now commonly deployed in analyses of East Asian economies – are used in combination with concepts from the literature on business history based on the work of Alfred Chandler, the reasons for the rise and fall of major enterprises in East Asia can be better understood. A case study of enterprise and economic development in Malaysia is presented to substantiate this argument.     

日本的法人税改革及对企业税负的影响

自上世纪80年代至今,日本政府在遵循公平、中立、简单的基本原则下对税制进行了多次大规模的改革,深刻地改变了企业法人税的结构和水平。改革的结果是,大型企业的法人税税额在税收中占有很大的比例,对稳定国税收入发挥着极为重要的作用;同时也导致了大型企业的税率降低,使大型企业成为税制改革的最大受益者。     

美国跨国公司与东盟五国间谈判力的演化

自1967年东盟成立至2007年的40年间,美国跨国公司的对外直接投资与东盟五国的工业化进程密切相关.本文以跨国公司与东道国谈判力为视角,在宏观和微观层次上讨论了美国跨国公司与东盟五国间谈判力演化的背景及主要影响因素,并指出一个有效的谈判力模型只能建立在个案研究的基础上,与特定谈判项目的优势拥有相关.     

Politics,Economic Crises and Corporate Governance Reforms: Regulatory Capture in Malaysia

Following the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the regulatory system involving governance of the corporate sector was subjected to major legislative and institutional reforms, primarily in response to exposures of serious cases of corruption and abuse in the financial sector by well-connected businesspeople. However, the 2008 global financial crisis indicated continued occurrence of irresponsible forms of corporate development and practices, underscoring structural weaknesses within the regulatory system in spite of these reforms. This article argues that the reforms that had been introduced ignored how state-business nexuses shape the way firms operate, a core reason for the persistence of unproductive and speculative forms of corporate development, grand corruption and cronyism. Utilising Malaysia as a case study, this article indicates that institutional reforms involving devolution of power to regulatory institutions are imperative to provide them with the autonomy to objectively institute prudential controls and indict errant firms that violate legislation overseeing corporate activities.     

Sinophobia as Corporate Tactic and the Response of Host Communities

China's State Council has charged that in 2009 BHP Billiton inflamed Australians' fear of “Chinese colour” in order to undermine Chinalco's (Aluminium Corporation of China) effort to increase its share of the Rio Tinto company. Though unproven, this is a serious charge and the more so because it suggests there is a risk that in the future firms challenged by Chinese competitors may emulate the alleged practice. Given this possibility, anti-racists require a sophisticated understanding of how firms might incorporate Sinophobia into their business strategies and how Chinese foreign direct investment is viewed by national and local communities. To further this response, we review the literature on the use of racism as a corporate tactic, discuss the Chinalco-BHP struggle, and provide a study of how one community reacted when offered the chance to host a large Chinese investment.     

“单一行政官”理论与美国总统权力的扩张

"单一行政官"理论是在对美国宪法有关总统权力条款的解读过程中产生的理论,其核心含义是,任何对总统掌控行政部门进行限制的企图都被视为违宪。"单一行政官"的概念形成于200多年前的制宪会议。后来,"单一行政官"理论不断地发展演变,为美国总统不断扩展其行政权力提供了理论依据。"单一行政官"理论通过证明总统扩张权力的正当性,对美国三权分立的权力制衡机制构成了威胁。要厘清总统权力的边界,必须参照宪法的文本和结构,同时也要考虑到现代社会对行政部门提出的新要求。     

Power transition in Northeast Asia: U.S.-China security perceptions and the challenges of systemic adjustment and stability

This article argues that the rise of China and the changing North-east Asian balance of power are creating the classical adjustment problems of Great Power international relations historically associated with power transitions and that three types of misperceptions across five important issues in the Sino-American security relationship are interfering with the prospects of achieving the systemic adjustments required for long-term stability. Power transition and the rise of China are seen as potentially undermining stability in four ways: (1) by generating security dilemmas and arms races, (2) by contributing to increased incidence of conflicting security interests, (3) by aggravating South china Sea maritime disputes, and (4) by undermining Chinese domestic stability in a manner which potentially results in a hostile regime that adopts an aggressive foreign policy coming to power at some point in the future. Systemic adjustment is defined as the process by which major powers peacefully reconcile their opposing interests and is viewed as being an essential feature of stability over the long term. The article argues that three types of misperceptions concerning: (1) salient issues, (2) security interests, and (3) the influence of domestic politics on foreign policy are manifesting themselves in misunderstandings of five security issues that are impeding the systemic adjustment process. These five issues are: (1) the nature of post-cold war Sino-American security relations and international politics, (2) the role of democracy and U.S. human rights in foreign policy, (3) the significance of China’s South China Sea policy, (4) Middle East diplomacy and arms sales, and (5) nuclear weapons and arms control policy. The article concludes with a discussion of policy implications that stresses the importance of consultation and dialogue to reduce misperceptions.