热话题与冷思考(三十六)--关于新保守主义与美国政治的对话

[编者按]自乔治·W.布什当选美国总统以来,新保守主义日益成为美国政治思潮的主流,对美国的内政外交产生了重要的影响.而第二届布什政府的成立,更进一步说明了新保守主义已成为美国的主流政治文化.那么,何谓新保守主义?它承袭了保守主义的哪些东西?列奥·施特劳斯对新保守主义这一理论体系的形成起了何种作用?新保守主义的发展前景如何?为此,本刊记者专访了英国伦敦大学政治学博士、北京大学政府管理学院博士生导师李强教授.     

当代西方社会民主政治思潮概观

当代西方民主理论流派主要是指第二次世界大战以来在西方产生的各种资产阶级民主学说,它反映了资产阶级民主思想在当代的新发展.深入了解和剖析这些理论流派,对于深刻认识资本主义民主政治的实质及发展趋势,是很有必要的.     

热话题与冷思考(十九)--关于当代西方政治和社会思潮的对话

一年多以前,你和陈林合编了一本文集,书名是<第三条道路>,副标题是<世纪之交的西方政治变革>.这样的处理说明,你们认为,"第三条道路"是世纪之交西方发达资本主义国家在政党政治和政治理论方面发生的新变化的反映.我很赞成这种看法.我认为,这种变化一方面是第二次世界大战以来两个阵营之间冷战发展的结果,同时也是发达资本主义国家内部自由主义、保守主义和欧洲共产主义、社会民主主义之间的长期斗争、妥协和相互渗透的结果.我们的杂志过去发表了不少研究共产主义、社会民主主义的历史、理论和现状的文章,但是涉及自由主义、保守主义的文章不多.因此,在探讨当前的西方政治思潮时,我认为最好先谈谈自由主义.     

The Portrayal of Female Terrorists in the Media: Similar Framing Patterns in the News Coverage of Women in Politics and in Terrorism

Abstract

Although women have been among the leaders and followers of terrorist organizations throughout the history of modern terrorism, the mass media typically depict women terrorists as interlopers in an utterly male domain. A comparison of the framing patterns in the news about women in politics and the entrenched stereotypes in the coverage of female terrorists demonstrates similarities in the depiction of these legitimate (women in politics) and illegitimate political actors (women in terrorism). Just like the managers of election campaigns are cognizant of the electorate's stereotypical gender perceptions, terrorist organizations know about and exploit cultural gender clichés that are reinforced by the media. The argument here is that the implementation of anti- and counterterrorist policies must not be influenced by the mass-mediated images of female terrorists because they do not reflect reality.     

Islamism,secularism and post-Islamism: the Muslim world and the case of Bangladesh

This paper provides a historical overview of the emerging post-Islamist phenomenon in the Muslim world and discusses the scope for sustainable democratic politics in Bangladesh. In the process, a model is proposed that purports to exhibit a level of compatibility with the perceived political landscape in Bangladesh. The model adopts a version of the Hotelling–Downs principle of democracy and sets it within the ‘post-Islamist’ paradigm in such a way that, if it can be implemented, even if only partially, may lead to the sustained political stability of Bangladesh. The paper highlights illiberal and undemocratic practices of the two dominant Bangladeshi political parties as a major feature of the present status quo. These practices dominate Bangladeshi politics through the continuous attempts of their exponents to impose monopolistic views on the various symbols of national identity, despite the multi-racial, multi-religious nature of Bangladesh society. The paper concludes that a democratic system of politics, which accommodates aspects of secularism, language, Muslim identity and post-Islamist ‘Islamic ethical–moral–legal codes’, remains the feasible political discourse for forming and consolidating the country’s multi-racial, multi-religious national identity over the long run and its survival as a sovereign state.     

Abkhazia: Patronage and Power in the Stalin Era

Abkhazia during the Stalin era was at the same time a subtropical haven where the great leader and his lieutenants built grand dachas and took extended holidays away from Moscow, and also a key piece in the continuing chess match of Soviet politics. This paper will examine how and why this small, sunny autonomous republic on the Black Sea, and the political networks that developed there, played a prominent role in the politics of the south Caucasus region and in Soviet politics as a whole during the Stalin period.     

Muslim leaders in Russia's Volga-Urals: Self-Perceptions and Relationship with regional authorities

Islamic politics in Russia's Volga-Urals has been affected by the self-images of some of the regional communities, such as Tatarstan as ‘the cradle of Russian Islam’, Astrakhan as ‘Russia's southern outpost’, and Perm and Buguruslan as remote peripheries of the Islamic world. Moreover, some regional authorities, such as Astrakhan and Orenburg, have tried to use Muslims to stabilise the ethnoconfessional situation of the regions and also make them a bridgehead for economic ventures on the Caspian rims and western Kazakhstan. In contrast, the authorities in highly industrialised and politically stable Saratov and Perm have not been interested in intervening in regional Muslim communities. Thus, Islamic politics in Russia may have much wider and varied political connotations than is usually conceived under the term ethnoconfessional politics.     

The Muslim uprising in Ajara and the Stalinist revolution in the periphery

In 1929, local officials in the mountainous region of upper Ajara in the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR) pursued aggressive policies to force women to remove their veils and to close religious schools, provoking the Muslim peasant population to rebellion in one of the largest and most violent of such incidents in Soviet history. The central authorities in Moscow authorized the use of Red Army troops to suppress the uprising, but they also reversed the local initiatives and offered the peasants concessions. Based on Party and secret police files from the Georgian archives in Tbilisi and Batumi, this article will explore the ways in which local cadres interpreted regime policies in this Muslim region of Georgia, and the interaction of the center and periphery in dealing with national identity, Islam, gender, and everyday life in the early Soviet period.     

Seasonal migration and symbolic power: the case of Muslim Meskhetians from Nasakirali

The repatriation and inclusion of Muslim Meskhetians, forcefully displaced by the Soviet government from Georgia to Central Asia during the 1940s, is still ongoing. In 1977, some Meskhetian families settled in the village of Nasakirali in western Georgia. The Soviet Georgian government built houses for the repatriates in a separate district, referred to as the “Island.” The location acquired a symbolic meaning for Meskhetians. After 40 years of repatriation, Meskhetians still remain “islanders:” isolated from the majority population, speaking a different language, practicing a different religion, and facing different employment opportunities. This study explores the coping mechanisms used by Muslim Meskhetians to sustain themselves and their families and improve their social conditions in a strictly Christian post-socialist country where “Islam is taken as a historical other.” The study primarily asks how employment/seasonal migration in Turkey changed the lives of Meskhetians by adapting their social, cultural, economic, and symbolic capital and became the only viable solution for overcoming social marginalization. The study explores how informality allows social mobility, changes gender attitudes, and helps “islanders” reach the “mainland” by becoming “Halal” – truthful and reliable. The study applies Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts of “capital” and “symbolic power” for understanding Meskhetians’ informal economic practices.     

冷战后美国国会对华安全提案的表决及其影响

冷战后时期美国国会出台的对华安全提案的大多数是不利于中美关系良性发展的负面议案.提案内容彰显了美国国会在军事安全层面上对中国的警惕、防范与限制倾向.在绝大多数对华安全提案的表决上,国会通过率极高,并且国会两党易于跨越党派界线形成高度一致的立场.通过对华安全提案的不断提出与表决,国会不仅成功渲染了"中国威胁论",监督、评估与牵制了行政部门的对华安全决策,而且导致中美经贸交往中摩擦不断,也严重限制与阻碍了中美之间在科技、军事领域的交流与合作.