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防空识别区、国际法与邻接空问   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
1923年,当远洋客轮还是往返于欧洲大陆和北美之间的唯一交通工具的时候,美国最高法院就已经认为,第十八修正案对美国领海是有效的,因而其规定对于所有外国船只来说也是可以强制执行的.①人们对这一判决的反应是直截了当、毫不含糊的:有十个国家表示强烈反对,其中有的认为"国际上普遍接受的国际法原则绝不允许他们采取这种侵害轮船船旗国主权的措施."②许多人承认美国没有违反国际法,但是认为美国的行为"跟国际惯例相左".③人们对美国未能遵守文明国家在这方面所公认的礼节的反应是如此强烈,以至于美国被迫和受到财政法规影响的航海国家就一系列双边"酒条约"进行谈判.  相似文献   

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So there has been little check on the killing of him [African elephants] for commercial gain, and his numbers are said to be fast diminishing. (Sir J. Arthur Thomson, The Outline of Natural History (New York, Putnam's, 1931), at 200)  相似文献   

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干涉与“国际干预”国际法的变与不变   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2  
程晓霞 《法学家》2002,(5):59-62,45
冷战后,“干涉”、“人道主义干涉”,常被“国际干预”取代。主张“国际干预”的理由或前提或条件,是被干涉地区或国家的人权状况,即在那里出现了严重的人权灾难。为使“干预”顺利进行,须得限制乃至否定被“干预”国家的主权。出现了“人权高于主权”,各……  相似文献   

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This paper argues for the superiority of international law’s existing ban on unilateral secession over its reform to include either a primary or remedial right to secession. I begin by defending the claim that secession is an inherently institutional concept, and that therefore we ought to employ institutional moral reasoning to defend or criticize specific proposals regarding a right to secede. I then respond to the objection that at present we lack the empirical evidence necessary to sustain any specific conclusion regarding an international legal right to secession. Specifically, I argue that we ought to adopt a precautionary approach, and that such an approach justifies giving no weight to promoting political self-determination per se when considering whether to reform international law governing secession. I conclude with several reasons to think that even a remedial right to unilateral secession will detract from, not enhance, the international legal order’s ability to promote peace and human rights.  相似文献   

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The international governance structures in place with respect to whales are dominated by the International Whaling Commission (IWC). However, the IWC's constitutive document, the 1946 International Convention for the Regulation of Whaling (ICRW), lacks many critical elements of good governance which have evolved since the conclusion of the convention. Since the signing of the ICRW, there have been significant and far-reaching developments in the ways and means by which sustainable development and environmental policy is formulated and implemented.
Sustainability principles have expanded well beyond limited conservation objectives to include, in particular, the precautionary and ecosystem approaches. International governance has also evolved to require efficient and participation-based decision-making processes, including integrated management and sustainability, efficient and participation-based decision-making processes, international cooperation between States and coordination between international agencies, transparency, and dispute-resolution and compliance mechanisms. These are all elemental aspects of modern environmental governance.
Necessary reforms to the ICRW are substantial, and in light of the unanimity required, it is likely that only a new convention will achieve the necessary changes. A governance framework for whales must enable and encourage participants and stakeholders to cooperate in a spirit of global partnership. The goal should be to conserve, protect and restore the health and integrity of the global whale populations as part of the overall goal of the sustainability of the oceans and seas implementing the ecosystem and precautionary approaches. It must integrate with other elements of international governance to that wider goal.  相似文献   

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This paper uses parallels between Sophocles’ Theban Playsand the House of Lords decision in Dudley and Stephens, to questionthe decision in the Erdemovi case before the International CriminalTribunal for the former Yugoslavia. One should distinguish betweencausal, moral and criminal responsibility. If a man who commitsa crime, not by the action of his free will, is to be foundguilty, we are essentially equating causal responsibility withcriminal guilt. This logic clearly does not correspond withthat of the rest of international criminal law. The storiesof Erdemovi, Oedipus, Dudley and Stephens are tragedies. Eachof the victims/perpetrators felt an overwhelming sense of remorse.Whether they should be considered morally guilty of murder isa matter of individual conscience. The International CriminalTribunal for the Former Yugoslavia majority erred in using anabsolute moral position in Erdemovi. The majority's moral condemnationof the killing of innocents was confused with the question ofwhether Erdemovi should have been criminally punished. The contentof the majority opinion is largely of an irreproachably moralisticnature, though shrouded and mystified by the discussion of precedent.More generally, the decision to try Erdemovi at the InternationalCriminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia was itself self-defeating.Erdemovi should never have stood trial at The Hague. The internationalcommunity should not aid in self-flagellation. While his actionscannot be approved of, they should not be punished internationally.He could have been helped, supported and reintegrated with fargreater benefit to all.         ‘Heroesare hard to find in an atmosphere of total terror.’1  相似文献   

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Austerity measures have led to the denial of social rights and widespread socio‐economic malaise across Europe. In the case of countries subjected to conditionality imposed by international institutions, the resultant harms have highlighted a range of responsibility gaps. Two legal developments come together to expose these gaps: Greece's argument in a series of cases under the European Social Charter that it was not responsible for the impact on rights brought about by austerity measures as it was only giving effect to its other international obligations as agreed with the Troika; and the concern to emerge from the Pringle case before the European Court of Justice that European Union (EU) institutions could do outside of the EU what they could not do within the EU ‐‐disregard the Charter of Fundamental Rights. That the Commission and the European Central Bank were in time answerable to international organisations set up to provide financial support adds an additional layer of responsibility to consider. Taking Greece as a case study, this article addresses the imperative of having international institutions respect human rights.  相似文献   

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Following the trail blazed by Bill Chambliss in his 1988 Presidential Address to the American Society of Criminology, this article engages two interrelated issues concerning the concept of state-organized crime that he pioneered. First, the article develops Chambliss’s argument that criminologists should define state crime as behavior that violates international agreements and principles established in the courts and treaties of international bodies. Second, although Chambliss effectively argued that international law “on the books” provides a framework of substantive concepts and categories that allows criminologists to define certain state actions as a form of crime, “in action” international laws fail to provide legal accountability for states and protection for victims. This article demonstrates, however, that Chambliss’s structural contradictions theory of law can help to explain this paradox.  相似文献   

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This article explains the development of international crime as a legal category. I argue that states’ pursuit of political rights claims empowers international lawyers to develop new legal categories to grant states new tools to pursue their interests. At the same time, lawyers have a stake in defending the autonomy of law from politics, thus pushing for the development of legal norms and institutions that go beyond the original state intent. States’ turn to law thus begets more law, expanding the legal and institutional tools to solve international problems while simultaneously enforcing a commitment to principles of legality. To demonstrate the plausibility of the theory, the article studies the construction of the concept of an international crime in the interwar period (1919–1939). In response to the Allies’ attempt to prosecute the German Emperor, international lawyers sought the codification of international criminal law and drafted enforcement mechanisms. The interwar legal debate not only introduced international crime into the legal and political vocabulary, it also legitimized a new set of institutional responses to violations of international law, namely, international criminal prosecution.  相似文献   

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国际法的哲学之维:内涵、功能与路径   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
国际法哲学是国际法学和法哲学的新兴领域,在这一初级阶段,应当采取积极鼓励和多元发展、大胆尝试、积极讨论的态度。由于国际法本身不成体系,以及国际法历史发展的轨迹,国际法对于法哲学的需求更大。国际法哲学的探索有利于引领国际法的理论化进程,解决国际法实践中的困惑,促动国际法学与部门法学的沟通,推进法理学的全面均衡发展。国际法哲学所包含的内容可以从不同角度和广度进行分析,其研讨路径包括超越分析法学而拓展法哲学的各种方法在国际法上的适用;构建国际法哲学的基本体系;以跨学科的视角进行国际法具体问题的研讨;并由此建构一般法哲学(法理学)。  相似文献   

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International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics - The access to goods and their allocation (who gets what, when, where and how) is one of the analytical problems of the 2009...  相似文献   

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