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目前美国大选已进入最后冲刺阶段,双方旗鼓相当,不分上下,鹿死谁手不久便可见分晓.新政府上台后,将依惯例重新审议和调整全球战略和对外政策.因此,有必要及早对两党的全球战略进行深入研究,以准确把握美今后的全球战略走向.笔者认为,无论布什抑或克里赢得今年大选,新政府都会从美国家利益和面临的主要威胁出发,继续奉行如下"反恐谋霸"的全球战略.  相似文献   

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In early 2004 India confirmed that coalition governments are the staple for sometime to come. This article examines the events leading to the general election and thereafter. It contends that there are several forces that will tax the new United Progressive Alliance led by the Congress Party which itself is ridden with many internal squabbles. Among the coalition partners, the Communist Party of India, which tends to be ideological in making its presence felt without accepting any responsibility by being a part of the government, can possibly be the worst threat to stability. The Bharatiya Janata Party, which does not seem to have come to terms with its defeat, seems to be obstructionist rather than being a “loyal opposition”. There are also several major issues of governance such as corruption and “tainted” Ministers which the new government has to deal with. Thus, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh wears the mantle of government rather precariously, and with an uncertain future.  相似文献   

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Politically, Turkey constitutes an unusual case where Islamists have been allowed to share power, as a dominant partner in a coalition government, in a broadly open and a strongly secularist political environment. Hence, it provides an interesting context in which to investigate the complex issue concerning the relationship between Islamism and liberal democracy. This article investigates the processes leading to the transformation of Islamists in Turkey from 'moderate fundamentalists' to a milder and more liberal posture in the recent period and attempts to assess the consequences of this phenomenon for the future of the democratic order. A major objective is to highlight some of the paradoxical developments encountered in the process, attempting to consolidate democracy in the current international order within the parameters of neo-liberal globalization.  相似文献   

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《Communist and Post》2014,47(2):247-260
The objective of this paper is to assess if inflation targeting post-communist economies performed better, in terms of output growth, during the crisis than their non-inflation targeting counterparts. The paper also puts the issue in the context of the preconditions of inflation targeters to adopt this regime. 26 post-communist economies of Central and Eastern Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States are analyzed during the ongoing economic crisis. Results suggest that inflation targeters of those countries performed worse than non-inflation targeters. The growth decline in inflation targeters post-communist economies has been estimated to be deeper by about four percentage points than that in non-inflation targeters. The study finds very limited role of the preconditions for growth decline. Only the lower amount of monetary financing of the budget may have contributed in inflation-targeting countries to have gone through the crisis better.  相似文献   

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This article analyses the implications for centre-right politics and democracy in Turkey of the rise to power of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalk?nma Partisi, AKP) in the November 2002 general election. It is argued that the AKP has both similarities with and differences from the centre-right political parties that have dominated Turkish politics in the aftermath of the 1980 coup d’état. It is possible to find continuity in the conciliatory and synthesizing stance of the AKP, as well as in its rather conservative stance. The AKP’s disposition vis-à-vis state-centred politics is considered, as is its standpoint with regard to pluralism and democracy.  相似文献   

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四年一次的美国总统选举将在11月举行.民主党候选人"Two Johns"(约翰·克里和约翰·爱得华兹)所组成的竞选班子已登台亮相,向现任总统、共和党候选人乔治·W·布什提出挑战,美国的"选举秀"不断升温.事实上,作为现代西方国家民主制创始国之一,美国的总统选举制度有其独特之处.  相似文献   

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This article is part of a larger project that focuses in part on the migration dynamics in large Mexican metropolitan areas or globalising cities. In particular, it develops a comparative analysis of the urbanised region of Puebla-Tlaxcala, the metropolis of Monterrey and Tijuana. All three metropolitan areas are important industrial centres that attract rural–urban as well as interstate migrations. Moreover, these urban centres are situated at routes used by migrants from Central and South America to get to the US. Yet, despite the increasing impact of migration(s) on urban areas, very little is known about its characteristics and municipal authorities have not identified inward or transmigration as issues of political importance. For our analysis we intend to map the different migrations through addressing the following question: How are migrations transforming the urban areas of Monterrey, Tijuana and Puebla-Tlaxcala and how are they inserted in and contributing to urban assemblages in these metropolitan zones? For this particular article we have chosen three distinct migratory groups to contrast: Germans in Puebla-Tlaxcala, Haitians in Tijuana and Indigenous populations in Monterrey.  相似文献   

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今年9月17日,瑞典大选结果揭晓,以温和党为首的中右联盟获得51%的选票胜出,执政的社会民主党与左翼联盟以49%的选票落败,这次大选也是近30年来瑞典历史上最势均力敌的一次.社会民主党在本届大选中仅获得35.2%的选民支持,比上届下降4.7%,获得130个议席(上届144席),是过去80年中大选表现最差的一次.  相似文献   

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Councils of governments (COGS) have been subjected to powerful forces of change in the 1980s, due principally to drastic reductions in federal financial support. To survive, the councils have had to become more entrepreneural, to extend themselves in new directions They have scanned their local and regional task environments intensively for opportunities to form and/or join new networks and to provide more services in traditional and in new areas. The new style of council is described in this paper, using a market model. The model emphasizes opportunistic scanning of the regional task environment, and the assessment of issue networks as an iterative process in COG direction setting and implementation efforts.  相似文献   

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2002年大选失败后,法国社会党并未从此消沉.第一书记奥朗德及时提出要学习瑞典社民党的做法,即"执政时要像反对党那样采取行动,成为反对党时要以尽快地回到执政党为目标".正是这一目标促使社会党厉兵秣马,为迎战2007年大选积极筹备.概括起来,社会党的备战举措主要有:深刻的理论反思,改革组织制度,重振左翼联盟,调整竞选战略.  相似文献   

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The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)singlehandedly governed Japan for over thirty eight years until June 1993. Under the semipermanent conservative governance, central agencies have assumed a major role in making Japanese big businesses expand and become one of the leading players in the international economy. Nonetheless, many Japanese doubt the role and function of Japan's central administration. They believe that the central government has been excessively involved in economic affairs. For them, governmental meddling in private business is detrimental to the health of Japanese society. Reflecting these public outcries, the government finally enacted an important law, The Law for the Promotion of Decentralization, on May 15, 1995. While much still remains to be clear, this may become a significant threshold for Japan's administrative reform. It may perhaps help introduce a new paradigm to Japan's producer oriented social environment.  相似文献   

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This article represents a contribution to the debate over the Europeanization of political parties, one of the hot topics in contemporary political science. It explores the extent of Europeanization in political parties represented in the lower chamber of the Parliament of the Czech Republic by means of an analysis of party election manifestoes. The extent of Europeanization in these documents is analyzed using a bi-dimensional conceptualization. The first we call the quantitative dimension, assesses the space taken by the topic of European integration in each manifesto. The second one we call the qualitative dimension. This, using the analysis of content, measures the degree to which the European integration issue is elaborated in the programs. Using this conceptualization, we analyze the election manifestoes of five Czech political parties in the period 1996–2006.  相似文献   

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The United States government has no elections office and does not attempt to administer congressional and presidential elections. The responsibility for the administration of elections and certification of winners in the United States national elections rests with the states. The states divide election administration responsibilities between state and local election officials, whose objective is an efficiently administered honest election, with the ballots correctly tabulated. The formal structure of election administration in the United States is not capable of providing tirely results of the presidential and congressional election. Similar structural difficulties in other policy areas often result in ad hoc operating agreements or informal cooperation among agencies at different levels of the federal system. In the case of election administration, however, the public officials have abdicated responsibility for election night aqgregation of the national Vote totals to a private organization, News Election Service, which is owned by five major news organizations. This private organization performs without a contract, without public compensation, and without supervision by public officials. It makes decisions concerning its duties according to its own criteria. The questions of responsibility and accountability have not arisen in part because of the private organization's performance record and in part because the responsibility was assumed gradually over a lengthy period without ever being evaluated as an item on the public agenda.  相似文献   

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