长征前后的周恩来与毛泽东历史地位的确立

周恩来在王明“左倾”错误统治中央时期,在毛泽东已被排挤出中央苏区党和红军领导岗位的情况下,顶住压力,主动争取毛泽东参与红军作战指挥;坚持毛泽东的军事路线,为确立毛泽东在党和红军中的主导地位做出了特殊贡献。红一、四方面军会师后,周恩来坚持北上抗日战略方针,协助毛泽东粉碎张国焘的分裂图谋,维护了党中央和红军的团结统一。在处理西安事变前后,周恩来提出“停止内战,一致抗日”的主张,贯彻毛泽东建立抗日民族统一战线的主张,为推动第二次国共合作做出了巨大贡献。     

Did the CCP sign a secret document on mutual defense with the DPRK in 1949?

Based on investigations of newly released sources in China and Russia and interviews with retired high‐ranking officials of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), this study concludes that the CCP did not sign a secret document on mutual defense with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) as was first reported in 1949. This conclusion, however, should not be followed by an inference that Kim Il‐sung, Stalin, and Mao Zedong did not jointly plot the Korean War.     

关于"在新的社会阶层中发展党员"的若干思考

江泽民同志在"七一"重要讲话中明确提出,应该把新的社会阶层的优秀分子吸收到党内来,不断提高党的社会影响力.吸收新的社会阶层的优秀分子入党,既是巩固党的执政地位和进一步推进建设有中国特色的社会主义事业的需要,也是对毛泽东同志建党思想和党的历史经验的继承和发展.     

发展党内民主推动人民民主

江泽民“七一”讲话中提出的“通过发展党内民主 ,积极推动人民民主的发展”的思想 ,继承了马列主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论关于发展党内民主和人民民主的思想 ,本文论述了发展党内民主与积极推动人民民主的辩证关系。     

土地革命时期毛泽东信念观探析——重温《井冈山的斗争》与《星星之火， 可以燎原》

1927年大革命失败后,中国革命进入了十年土地革命时期。期间党与红军内部出现了"右"倾悲观思潮,并几度提出"红旗到底打得多久"的疑问。对此,毛泽东在《井冈山的斗争》与《星星之火,可以燎原》等著作中给予了科学回答,形成了毛泽东信念观:坚定信念创建农村革命根据地;坚信红色政权的发生、存在与发展既是可能的,也是必然的;坚信星火必燎原,中国革命高潮必将到来。毛泽东信念观的形成是大革命失败后时局变化的产物,是实行正确政策的必然结果。     

毛泽东吏治思想研究

毛泽东吏治思想主要来源于马克思主义,深受中国传统吏治文化的影响,与毛泽东个人革命和社会主义建设的实践具有密切的联系,有毛泽东个人品质的影响。毛泽东吏治思想的目的在于为中国共产党牢固树立为人民服务的宗旨,为人民服务既是毛泽东吏治思想的基本内容又是其吏治思想的目标,反映了在行动和目标上保持高度一致的特性,在理论和实践上的高度统一。毛泽东对于吏治基本方法是强调通过社会主义民主,通过反对主观主义和官僚主义,加强社会主义民主建设,让人民监督政府,人人负责,以保证始终坚持为人民服务的宗旨。     

论我党对列宁关于发展民族经济理论的升华

发展民族经济是解决民族问题的根本途径。列宁认为 ,要把发展民族经济摆在重要的位置上 ;要在财政上切实加大援助后进民族的力度 ;要扩大民族地区的对外开放 ,吸收西方国家先进文明成果和资金技术 ;要重视国家生产力布局和自然资源的合理利用问题 ;民族地区要因地制宜地发展经济 ;大民族要以对待自己的不平等来帮助少数民族发展经济。中国共产党人继承和发展了列宁的事业 ,以毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民为核心的三代党中央领导集体把列宁民族经济理论创造性地运用于多民族的中国并作出了新的发展 ,形成了有中国特色的民族经济理论和政策 ,从而大大升华了列宁思想     

A dangerous game: Deng and the intellectuals

This article examines one aspect of China's “second revolution” led by Deng Xiaoping: the relationship between the post‐Mao leadership and the intellectuals, who were the most persecuted during the “Cultural Revolution.” When Deng took power in 1978, one tough challenge was to mobilize China's well‐educated men and women for the nation's modernization. New policies toward them were introduced to rekindle their enthusiasm in creative and critical academic activities. The anticipation of a new period of cooperation between the authorities and the intellectuals was, however, dashed by the bloodshed in Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989. Why did Deng, who sought the support of Chinese intellectuals for his modernization program, side with the Party's hard‐liners to order the military crackdown on pro‐democracy demonstrations? Will China's post‐Mao leadership no longer need the intellectuals’ help? This article argues that the Communist Party of China has been playing “a dangerous game of cooperation” with the intellectuals. Despite the tragic events, the game is likely to continue as long as the CCP proceeds with its modernization program and the intellectuals maintain their sense of mission. What remains uncertain is how the next round of game will be played out and who will emerge as the winner.     

中国化马克思主义民族理论在西藏的实践--纪念西藏自治区成立四十周年

总结历史,立足现实,中央人民政府和西藏地方政府签订和平解放西藏的"十七条协议",和平解放西藏.立足民族平等,消除民族隔阂,加强藏、汉民族团结,强调民族工作要"慢",不能急躁,采取灵活、"慎重、稳进"的方针开展工作.实行民族区域自治是中国共产党和毛泽东解决民族问题的基本主张.坚定不移的实行民族区域自治,藏族人民在政治上实现当家作主.帮助西藏发展经济和社会各项事业.尊重藏民族的生活习惯,保障宗教信仰自由.对达赖喇嘛的基本立场和态度是,停止独立活动,欢迎他回来.     

加强党的领导,改进工作方法--学习毛泽东《党委会工作方法》一文的体会

毛泽东同志在其《党委会工作方法》中,将我党在长期工作中积累的丰富经验概括为党委会工作方法十二条.这十二条系统解决了党委领导工作中的三个重要问题集体领导与个人负责正确结合;加强团结保证思想一致,行动一致;掌握正确的领导方法.     

The Chinese cultural revolution revisited: The role of the nemesis

This paper takes issue with the tendency to ‘reduce’ the Cultural Revolution to elite conflict, specifically the ‘two‐line struggle’ between Mao and his erstwhile heir apparent, Liu Shaoqi. There was elite conflict before the Cultural Revolution but the basic reason for the elite split was the Cultural Revolution itself, which Liu Shaoqi and most other members of his generation of senior officials strongly opposed until Mao reprimanded them. Liu was subsequently made the focal ‘human target’ as an expedient designed to unify the movement against a common adversary. Although unsuccessful in coordinating the movement, his role as nemesis infused the movement with negative meaning as its more positive goal of reviving a revolutionary ‘spirit’ was discredited by Red Guard excesses. Liu Shaoqi leaves an ambiguous legacy, consisting on the one hand of a pragmatic endorsement of economic and social reform that has since become extremely successful, and on the other hand of a classic defense of Confucian‐Leninist ideals of organizational rectitude that have proved difficult to resuscitate.     

Land Distribution in Mao's Investigations: poverty and class struggle

Mao's rural surveys, or investigations as he called them, conducted in the red base area in Jiangxi and Fujian provinces between 1927 and 1934, have long been overlooked in the scholarship especially in interpreting the issue of landownership inequality. Mao highly valued the role of investigation, and the importance of investigations to the formation of his view of class struggle and to his strategy-making is doubtless. This study for the first time reveals that Mao did not establish his macro conclusion of land distribution inequality on his gathered data, and that landownership concentrations were not so drastic in the red base area as Mao described. This study argues that other dimensions of rural inequality, including high debts, rentals, interest rates, and security deposits, appear as the greatest encumbrance to peasants and play a more important role in aggravating class confrontations. This study also argues that the role of poverty is critical in understanding the structural nature of the Communist Revolution. From poverty, Mao discovered not only a majority of the people but also moralism to support his revolution.     

Ideological and political tendencies of factions in the red guard movement

This paper observes the most important ideological and political tendencies of the Red Guard Movement during the first three years of China's Cultural Revolution. This paper focuses on the differences between them—the Old Red Guards, conservative Red Guards, rebel Red Guards and ultraleft Red Guards. The Old Red Guards were the initiators of the Red Guard movement. They mainly attacked the intellectuals, overthrown ‘class enemies’ and some leaders in the educational and cultural fields. The core members of the Old Red Guards were children of leaders. They stressed their red family background and strove for political and social superiority and privilege. The conservative Red Guards followed the example of the Old Red Guards but depended on and defended the local Party's leadership. The rebel Red Guards mainly attacked the power holders and the organs of the Party and government. They came from the social groups that had been out of power. In politics, they relied on the support of Mao and the left wing of the Party. The ultraleft Red Guards negated and criticized the political leadership and the existing system as a whole. They were in small groups and suppressed by Mao and his headquarters but they left independent thinking on Chinese politics and society.     

The impact of reform on the party and ideology in China

In the People's Republic of China (PRC), the monolithic organization of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its unchallenged official ideology, Mao Zedong Thought, used to be the two mighty pillars sustaining Communist rule during Mao's era. Since the late 1970s, however, these two pillars have been shattered by a series of post‐Mao economic and political reforms under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping. As the result of a drastic decline in the standing of the party leadership and its official ideology, the ruling methods and foundation of the current regime have also changed. How did the reforms significantly affect the party and the official ideology? How did the changes in the roles of the party and ideology, in turn, redefine the nature and ruling methods of the current Communist regime? What do these changes imply for the future of this regime and the course of ongoing political and economic modernization? These questions, which are crucial for our understanding of the nature of sociopolitical transition in China, will be addressed in this article.     

毛泽东的群众观及其对当代群众路线教育实践活动的启示

毛泽东的群众观内涵十分丰富。毛泽东的群众观重视人民群众在革命、建设中的主体地位,要求正确处理领导和群众的关系,强调人民利益高于一切。这对于当前深入开展党的群众路线教育实践活动具有重要指导意义:利于寻找影响党群、干群关系突出的"四风"问题的思想根源以及群众路线教育实践活动长效机制建设的路径选择。     

党的三代领导人与西部大开发

解放50多年来,以毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民为核心的党的三代领导人十分关注西部地区的发展。为了推动西部地区的经济发展和现代化建设,他们进行了艰辛的探索和伟大的实践。在不同的历史时期,采取了不同的政策措施,提出了不同的发展战略,对西部地区的经济发展都产生了深远的影响。以江泽民为核心的第三代中央领导集体作出西部大开发战略决策,将进一步推动西部地区经济的腾飞。     

Revolution and Reform: the role of ideology and hegemony in Chinese politics

This paper aims to further an understanding of Chinese politics through a focus on ideology and hegemony. Drawing on the writings of Antonio Gramsci and Henri Lefebvre, the paper examines the nature of ideological domination held by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and generates three implications. First, Gramsci's theory of hegemony can be applied more broadly to build a socialist regime, particularly in China where the party of the proletariat and its allies have been in a quandary over how to consolidate its ruling position after capturing political power. Second, the party needs to incorporate mass consciousness into the battlefield of politics so as to attain or maintain its hegemony. Third, the ideologies of revolution and reform are formulated to embed the CCP's beliefs into people's consciousness and to acquire consensus which is essential for the CCP's hegemony in China.     

新时期党群关系不和谐的原因及对策

中国共产党作为执政党，其与群众的关系决定了其执政地位巩固与否。目前，随着市场经济体制的逐步建立，出现了党群关系不和谐的现象。本文分析其原因，力图为实现党群关系和谐，从而巩固党的执政地位提出有益的建议。     

China’s National Security Commission: theory,evolution and operations

The establishment of the National Security Commission (NSC) of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is a major regrouping of the top CCP power structure, a ‘New Deal’ in Xi Jinping’s endeavor to revitalize China. In full operation it will reshape Beijing’s national security (NS) decision-making process concerning the formulation of national security strategies, crisis management at home and abroad, coordination of national security policies and actions by Party/army/state agencies and institutional links with its foreign national security counterparts. This article argues that the NSC will primarily address the Party’s internal security concerns, which is the key link to its efforts to strike a new balance between various security typologies. It analyses Beijing’s securitization guidance and practice and constructs its organizational structure and functions.     

略论毛泽东的农民利益思想

毛泽东认为农民问题是中国革命与建设的根本问题 ,毕生致力于实现农民的利益 ,一方面重视和支持农业 ,确立农业在国民经济中的基础性地位 ,引导和帮助农民发展生产 ,一方面减轻、限制农民负担而使民不伤 ,赋税取之有度 ,这是毛泽东农民利益思想的基本内容。