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1.
The paper examines the determinants of the assignment of EU funds to Portuguese municipalities using a large and unexplored dataset covering all (278) mainland municipalities over 15 years. Empirical results reveal that besides normative objectives, political motivations also influence the distribution of funds by the national government across municipalities. Grants to municipalities increase during local election years, and more funds are transferred to municipalities where legislative elections have been closely contested and where the ruling national party had been supported by voters.  相似文献   

2.
Wekkin  Gary D. 《Publius》1985,15(3):19-38
Democratic and Republican efforts at party renewal have differedin approach, but both can be recognized as intergovernmentalphenomena having significant implications for American federalism.The Democratic Party's national charter and delegate selectionrules, for instance, have federalized the governing structureof the party. The national Republican Party organization hasdeveloped such a large base of financial resources andcampaignservices that state Republican parties and candidate committeeshave begun to accept national party authority along with itsmoney. Moreover, as national, state, and local parties and candidatesincreasingly coordinate their delegate selection, finance, andother campaigh activities, they may transform the decentralizedparty system that has been a protector of state and local influencewithin the federal government. National ideological constituencieswithin both party organizations may rival territorial and functionalconstituencies for the attention of federal elected officials.  相似文献   

3.
Elaigwu  Jonas Isawa 《Publius》1991,21(4):125-144
National leaders in Nigeria, most of whom have come from themilitary, have exhibited various leadership styles. These stylesboth affect and are affected by Nigeria's federal system ofgovernment. Successful leaders appear to exercise a reconciliationstyle coupled with a mobilizational capacity to institute change.Efforts to impose a unitary system on Nigeria have failed, butseveral leaders have strengthened the power of the federal government,in part through the seemingly paradoxical strategy of creatingmore states. The return to civilian government, however, willrequire a new basis of legitimacy for national leadership rootedin constitutionalism and a democratic party system.  相似文献   

4.
Rydon  Joan 《Publius》1988,18(1):159-171
Australian parties reflect the combination of British responsiblegovernment and elements of American federalism embodied in theconstitution. Despite considerable symmetry in party competitionfor all seven parliaments, party organizations must functionwithin electoral systems complicated by state differences andbicameralism. The extra-parliamentary federal organizations,which began as weak confederations, have gradually gained ascendancyover state parties, particularly within the Labor parties. Yetthis shift of power to national party organizations is lessmarked than the increase in Commonwealth government activities.Such developments have not made for complete Commonwealth dominationbut the intermeshing of state and federal responsibilities hasincreased the need for bargaining between the two planes ofgovernment and decreased the areas in which independent decisionsby either are possible. Frequent elections, in which federaland state issues can rarely be separated, strengthen these trendsand make bargaining between federal and state leaders withineach party as important as bargaining between governments.  相似文献   

5.
MAHENDRA P. SINGH 《管理》1992,5(3):358-373
Two major themes have dominated the debate over India's constitutional destiny since the 1980s: parliamentary versus presidential government and federalization of its predominantly parliamentary system. India will do well to continue with its parliamentary form of government. Besides familiarity with it through British colonial experience and practice for nearly half a century, India's social diversity and fragile democracy are better served by a “collective” parliamentary/cabinet system than a “singular” presidential one. The latter may prematurely centralize the system and promote executive aggrandizement and adventurism. But India's continental diversity and complexity cannot be adequately represented solely along the parliamentary axis; they require the additional — and more vigorous — federal axis for democratic accommodation and national integration. The impact on India's parliamentary/federal system of the changing nature of the party system and premiership styles is also analyzed. Six phases of party system evolution are identified: (1) predominant party system-I (1952–1969); (2) multi-party system-I (1969–1971); (3) predominant party system-II (1971–1977); (4) two-party system (1977–1984); (5) (a stillborn) predominant party system-Ill (1984–1989); and (6) multi-party system-II (1989–to date). Three styles of prime ministerial leadership are delineated: (1) pluralist, (2) patrimonial, and (3) federal. Federal forces and features of the political system were generally accentuated when the party system was not a one-party dominant one and the prime ministerial leadership was not a patrimonial one. Some viable constitutional amendments designed to promote federalization are considered. The two particularly promising avenues of federalization that combine “responsible federalism” with “responsible parliamentary government” are those that establish a series of autonomous federal instrumentalities recommended by the Sarkaria Commission and create a President-in-Council interlocked with the Inter-Governmental Council that takes away the power of proclaiming president's rule in a state from the federal Home Ministry.  相似文献   

6.
Party politics at the German state level plays a decisive role for patterns of party competition and for legislative decision-making at the federal level. This article analyses the impact of party politics at the state and the federal level on the formation of coalition governments in the German Laender. The empirical analysis is based on a unique dataset that covers information on the state parties’ programmatic positions, their pre-electoral alliances, and the structure of party competition on the federal level in the time period between 1990 and 2007. The results reveal that the programmatic positions of state parties have a decisive impact on government formation. Other relevant factors are the parties’ relative strength, their coalition preferences and the partisan composition of government and opposition on the federal level.  相似文献   

7.
Ray  Amal; Kincaid  John 《Publius》1988,18(2):147-167
Since the late 1960s, India's federal system has experiencedsevere strain in center-state relations. Such strain was almostnonexistent during the first generation of Indian federalism(1950–1966). During the second generation, which followedthe death of Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri in 1966, therise of a powerful leader of the ruling Congress party, IndiraGandhi, and the emergence of dissent inside the party led toa greater emphasis on centralization and regimentation withinthe party and, thereby, the federal system as well. At the sametime, economic development had helped to produce new politicalelites from rural areas who benefited from the "green revolution"of the 1960s. These new elites challenged the professional andindustrial elites who had long controlled the Congress party,the national government, and many state governments. Feelingfrustrated in their efforts to influence national economic policyin a significant way, these new elites have formulated demandsthat call for substantial decentralization, greater state autonomy,and more tolerance for opposition parties whose electoral supportis mainly state-based.  相似文献   

8.
Remington  Thomas F. 《Publius》1985,15(4):113-132
Federalism in Soviet state structure, granting nominal equalityin political rights to major nationality groups residing indefined ethnoterritories, perserves to some extent, the culturalidentity of communities defined by common national or religiousheritage. Centralism in party ideological work seeks to integratea heterogeneous population by inculcating loyalty to a transcendentSoviet identity and to prevent mobilization along nationality(or other) social cleavages. Party personnel policy gives mobilityopportunities to national elites within, but rarely across,national republics, while reinforcing Moscow's domination ofparty and government relations with individual republics. Allpublicly disseminated information is subject to party ideologicalcontrols, but communications channels based in federal ethnoterritories,using native-language media, foreign radio broadcasts, and word-of-mouthchannels tend to strengthen the identity of nationality andreligious groups. Religious ties and contacts with members ofthe nationality abroad also counteract ideological centralization.However, segmented communication helps in turn to reinforcepolitical centralism and Russian dominance.  相似文献   

9.
Abstract

In the mid-1990s Ethiopia adopted a federal constitution promising regional autonomy and the creation and strengthening of local government units below the regional level. Some observers attribute the various shortcomings of Ethiopian federalism that have emerged since then to the original institutional/constitutional design. This paper, however, argues that what is not in the constitution has come to influence the workings of decentralization more than what is codified in it. The dominant national party in power, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), either directly or through affiliates, controls political office at all levels of government, thereby limiting the room for local initiative and autonomy. The presence of a national dominant party limits the responsiveness and downward accountability of Wereda (district) authorities; it also undermines political competition, and by extension, good governance at the grassroots level. The paper is based on field research carried out in the Tigray regional state of Ethiopia. The conclusion is that when one party dominates the politics of the region and its institutions, extra-constitutional intra-party politics determine how things work, thereby subjugating localities’ autonomy and impeding their ability to deliver on promises of decentralization.  相似文献   

10.
Abstract

The Greens made spectacular gains in the 2019 Swiss federal elections. In a campaign that was dominated by the climate change issue, the party outperformed the Christian Democrats to become the fourth largest party in the lower house. This status enabled the Greens to legitimately request a seat in government (the Federal Council). However, their attempt to unseat a member of the Liberals failed due to the resistance of the right-wing parties. It thus turned out that the Green wave was not strong enough to change the composition of the federal government.  相似文献   

11.
Gelineau  Francois; Belanger  Eric 《Publius》2005,35(3):407-424
Are federal incumbents punished for national and/or provincialeconomic performance, and are provincial incumbents held accountablefor the state of the provincial and/or national economy? Usinga pooled cross-sectional time-series analysis of electoral resultsand macroeconomic data for 1953–2001, this article exploresthe extent to which provincial and federal incumbents in Canadianelections are affected more by national or provincial economicconditions. The results of the analysis suggest that federalincumbents would not gain many votes by claiming credit forthe economic prosperity of any particular province when, onaverage, national economic conditions are deteriorating. Theresults further suggest that provincial incumbents are not heldaccountable for economic conditions in their provinces, butare rather punished for national economic deterioration whenthe incumbent federal party is of the same partisan family.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract.  The allocation of resources between the federal and state levels of government is a key institutional variable explaining the congruence or similarity of party systems. It affects the incentives voters and parties face, and opportunities for cleavage mobilization. This article pioneers measures for comparing congruence across federations. Evidence from state and federal elections in six federations produces clear evidence that party systems are least congruent in decentralized federations and most congruent in centralized federations. Voter behaviour, indicated by the variation of electoral support for parties across units of the federation and the similarity of swings in support between the state and federal levels, is most responsive to the allocation of resources. Party system structure is less responsive to this variable.  相似文献   

13.
Gabriel  Oscar W. 《Publius》1989,19(4):65-80
According to Gerhard Lehmbruch, there is a growing inconsistencyin West Germany between the principles of a federal polity andparty democracy, primarily because the former relies on bargaining,and the latter relies on majority rule as a mechanism of conflictregulation. However, comparative analyses have shown that federalismand party competition are not incompatible. Generally, federalstructures are neither detrimental nor conducive to the recruitmentfunction of parties. Competence and experience as a parliamentaryleader or as a specialist is the most essential preconditionfor advancement to national executive positions. The integrativecapacities of political parties may even be strengthened bythe federal division of power. Only in the area of the formulationand implementation of public policy may an inconsistency betweenthe federal system and party democracy arise because the strainon consensus-building inherent in German cooperative federalismmay, under specific conditions, prevent the national majorityparty from converting its programs into public policy.  相似文献   

14.
Try Federalism     
The present article follows up a previous study (Anckar 1998) which showed a strong association between size and party system fragmentation. The aim of the article is to see whether the explanatory power of size can, in fact, be attributed to a federal form of government. 77 countries with free party systems constitute the research population. The dependent variable has three components: number of parties, electoral support for the leading party, and the 'effective number of parties' calculated according to the Laakso-Taagepera formula. Preliminary tests reveal that federal states have a more fragmented party system than unitary states. However, when controlling for size, electoral system, the 'effective threshold,' and presidentialism, the results clearly show that federalism is overshadowed by size and also, to a lesser extent, by the effective threshold.  相似文献   

15.
This paper focuses on the effects of political ideology and party affiliation on support for more government spending on environmental protection. Pooled‐sample results show that Liberals (Democrats) are more likely to support higher government spending on environmental protection than Moderates (Independents), who, in turn, are more likely to support higher spending levels than Conservatives (Republicans). The results persist even when we control for respondents' opinions concerning whether the federal government, in general, does too little or too much. When stratifying by party, ideological divisions generally narrow, while stratifying by ideology leads to slightly wider divisions between Democrats and Republicans. Together, these results suggest that when Liberals and Conservatives form opinions about government spending on the environment, party affiliation, to some degree, dampens the effects of ideology. Between 2014 and 2018 the probability of supporting more environmental spending increased, albeit slightly, for all ideologies and parties, but more so for Liberals and Democrats.  相似文献   

16.
Chesney  James D. 《Publius》1994,24(1):39-46
This article examines the intersection between federal programmaticgoals and state politics in the allocation of substance-abuseblock-grant money by the State of Michigan. The Alcohol andDrug Abuse and Mental Health Services (ADMS) block grant allowsstates more flexibility in allocating "Drug War" funds. TheADMS formula determines the amount of money going to Michiganbut does not determine the distribution of funds within thestate. An examination of the distribution of ADMS funding amongthe eighteen coordinating agencies in Michigan finds that neitherthe state nor the national formulas distribute funds in a mannerthat reflects substance-abuse deaths. Michigan's formula producesa result consistent with the federal formula, despite the separatestate and national formula negotiations. The process is notone of bargaining or even coercion; it may be described as mutuallyindependent decisionmaking—or parallel policies. Modelsof intergovernmental relations must be revised to include thepossibility of joint synergistic action without coordination.  相似文献   

17.
Local government party systems are not necessarily copies of the national party system. In many countries, local party systems have come to resemble the national one more and more – a process Rokkan termed ‘party politicisation’. The traditional expectation has been that the take‐over of local politics by political parties, through a gradual process of societal modernisation, would eventually be complete. More recently, however, it has been suggested that reorganisations of the institutional set‐up – that is, amalgamations of municipalities – could entail developments in the degree of local party system nationalisation. This article investigates cultural and institutional explanations for party politicisation by analysing the Danish case from 1966 to 2005 – a period that witnessed both major amalgamation reforms and periods of stability in the local government structure. The data suggest that dramatic party politicisation does not lend itself to cultural explanations, but originates exclusively from changes in the institutional set‐up. Party politicisation is not a gradual process, but comes – at least in Denmark – in leaps coinciding with major reorganisations of the local government structure.  相似文献   

18.
The crisis in Canadian federalism has not emerged suddenly,but has been building for many years. It is our contention thatCanada's political and constitutional problems can only be alleviatedby reform of the parliamentary system. The fusion of executiveand legislative powers inherent in the parliamentary systemrequires strict party discipline to sustain a government, arequirement intensifying the difficulties posed by Canada'sparticular combination of enormous geographic size and ethnicand regional differentiation. The fusion of powers is not onlya major obstacle to the formation of a national consensus andconciliatory parties. It contributes also to the absence oftrust and the lack of a common national desire to form adequatebargaining mechanisms to resolve differences. The particularCanadian intergovernmental relationships and several of theconditions responsible for them are shown to be idiosyncratic,only partly related to the federal structure, and of great importanceto an understanding of the country's current situation.  相似文献   

19.
Kane  Thomas J.  Jr. 《Publius》1984,14(3):121-133
This report presents the findings of a national survey of citymanagers concerning intergovernmental relations. Key aspectsof intergovernmental relations covered in the survey are theadministration of the grant system, effects of federal grantson local government decisionmaking, types of federal aid, imagesof federal administrators, intergovernmental service agreements,comparison of state and federal government, and city managerinvolvement in intergovernmental relations.  相似文献   

20.
冉育彭 《学理论》2012,(21):167-169
促进教育的公平是美国联邦政府教育政策的核心,为达到此目的,联邦政府通过提供各种助学金和贷学金等方式,为美国大学生接受高等教育提供支持和保障。在具体操作上,联邦政府通过优化整合一系列的资助,形成一个包含几种方案的"资助包"配发给学生供其选择,从而达到资助的合理、公正与公平。  相似文献   

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