共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 9 毫秒
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Seth Cantey 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(10):757-775
ABSTRACTThis article argues that prospects for negotiations with Al Qaeda and the Islamic State have been undertheorized. Drawing on nearly two thousand pages of primary source material— all issues of Inspire and Dabiq magazines published at the time of writing—it examines these groups' statements about their motivations for violence, their objectives, and their views about the possibility of dialogue with the West. It finds stark differences in all three areas and suggests that assumptions that have prevented theorizing about negotiations with these groups should be revisited. 相似文献
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Maura Duffy 《发展研究杂志》2017,53(8):1163-1177
In Latin America, dissatisfaction with neoliberal democracy has led to a search for alternatives based on more participatory forms of citizen engagement that have overtly pedagogical dimensions. This paper focuses on Venezuela’s Adult Education Missions to illustrate the possibility but also the inherent contradictions of education ‘in and against the state’ to enhance grassroots critical consciousness and mobilisation. It argues that while considerable progress has been made at the micro level, structural change from above to redistribute power and transform capitalist relations of production has been insufficient and that this threatens the future of the project for radical social change. 相似文献
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This article investigates the social media content of women who are affiliated with the Islamic State. Throughout one year, ninety-three Twitter accounts were tracked to explore the patterns of engagement by pro–Islamic State women online and examine how these patterns illuminate the roles that pro–Islamic State women occupy on social media networks. The study reveals that women who associate with the Islamic State mostly preserve the traditional gendered role of support in the online realm. However, support is not their exclusive role and some women are active in the organization, using Twitter to recruit, promote, and even commit terrorist violence. 相似文献
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Jeffrey H. Michaels 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(3):212-227
Recent discussions among U.S. officials about how the intelligence community can demonstrate its “relevance” to counterinsurgency have been dominated by an ideology that presupposes large-scale military intervention, and in which the role of intelligence is limited to improving analysis in support of current military activities, with little debate of future requirements. This article will highlight a number of alternative conceptions of intelligence “relevance” to counterinsurgency, based on a study of several historical and contemporary U.S. and non-U.S. cases, and by applying a wider definition of counterinsurgency that includes cases where the military plays a subordinate role relative to the intelligence services. 相似文献
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Whereas the impact of trade relations on conflict has been studied extensively, this is not the case for the impact of international migration. The latter might influence the size of expected costs and benefits, and hence the likelihood of military conflict between countries. In this paper, we discuss the channels through which bilateral migration can affect the prevalence of interstate military conflict. We then estimate migration’s impact on conflict using bilateral panel data between 1960–2000. We find evidence of a positive and robust impact of South-North and South-South migration on the occurrence of conflict. These effects are even larger when we control for potential endogeneity using a GMM approach. 相似文献
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Isaac Kfir 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(9):829-855
The article explores the development of Islamic radicalism in East Africa by examining specific states. The author argues that the evidence suggests that although Islamic radicalism has not made substantial inroads into the region, it may still do so, as East Africa suffers from political repression as well as socioeconomic problems. The author concludes that the region must undergo significant changes to improve political representation and socioeconomic conditions. 相似文献
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