腐败问题与印尼执政党的更迭

印尼执政党的更迭与腐败有着密切的关系.本文通过对比研究苏哈托和梅加瓦蒂执政期间腐败与反腐的基本特征及其对政党执政的影响,总结了印尼执政党在反腐方面的经验教训.     

马来西亚"两线制"初步形成

本文通过回顾马来西亚反对党结盟抗衡执政党的历史,分析反对党联盟替代阵线的发展、特点及对马政治的影响,认为马来西亚正处于政治转折期,执政多年的执政党联盟国阵首次面对反对党联盟强有力的挑战,马来西亚"两线制"已初具规模.如果替阵继续发展壮大,一直被认为不可动摇的国阵政权就有可能被削弱甚至替换,马来西亚社会经济的发展也可能随之出现深刻的变化.     

新加坡人民行动党改善民生的实践及启示

素有"政坛常青树"之称的新加坡人民行动党,自1959年执政以来,始终把关系人民切身利益的就业、住房、教育、医疗、养老和社会福利等民生事业,当作头等大事来抓.在近50年的执政实践中,改善民生的政策导向始终如一.让人民享受到看得见的利益和实惠,生活过得更美好,是人民行动党始终不渝的奋斗目标.更难能可贵的是,这些改善民生的理念和措施,不仅体现到执政党的政策和纲领上,而且党在意识形态、干部教育、决策机制和政策输出等方面的工作,都凸显出改善民生的主题.这既是夯实其执政基础的"看家法宝",也是新加坡人民行动党带给他国执政党的启示.     

从权威政治到日常政治：中共执政环境的变迁

对于任何一个执政党来说，认识清楚其执政环境，并根据其执政环境的变化来调整其执政方式，做到执政方式与执政环境的相互适应，这是保证这个执政党执政有效性的重要前提。恩格斯即曾指出：“原则只有在符合自然界和历史的情况下才是正确的。”这句话用在本文的语境中即可转换为：执政方式只有在符合自然界和历史的情况下才是正确的。     

新加坡人民行动党的执政模式及其借鉴意义

在以往的40多年里,新加坡人民行动党实施"半竞争性的政党制度",强化政府的行政功能,严格掌控新闻媒体,视人民群众为执政的基础和合法性根源,有效地加强和巩固了自身的执政党地位.人民行动党的执政经验对中国共产党的执政能力建设具有启发和借鉴意义.     

从应对"9·11"看美国两党的执政方式

美国政党的执政方式是一个值得专门研究的问题.本文通过对美国政党制度特点的阐述,并在此基础上分析第107届国会与布什总统应对"9·11"恐怖袭击,建立国内安全体系的过程,借以从两大方面论证美国执政党的执政方式即同一执政党内部,执政权如何配置?分裂的政府中两党各行使哪些执政权?两个执政党如何处理相互关系?最后,本文探讨了美国政党的执政方式与民主和法治的关系.作者认为,宪法规定的民主制度需要有与之相适应的党内和党际的民主制度,才可能实现.同样,宪法规定的分权制衡制度需要有与之相适应的党内和党际分权制衡制度,才可能实在地支配立法机关与行政机关的关系.从本文所分析的应对"9·¨"的过程看,美国两党的执政方式体现了宪法所规定的民主、分权和制衡制度,这是它长期实行而不易改变的基本原因.反过来,长期以来美国宪法关于国家权力的规定能见诸实施,要归功于两党所奉行的民主、分权和制衡的执政方式.     

"新加坡之谜"的新解读--《新加坡人民行动党执政形态研究》述评

新加坡以其经济发达、社会稳定、政治开明闻名于世,国内外对新加坡的关注引发了解读新加坡成功之谜的浪潮,各种角度的解读方式都有,唯独从新加坡执政党--人民行动党执政模式的角度解读尚缺,而孙景峰教授的<新加坡人民行动党执政形态研究>一书在一定程度上弥补了这一缺憾."新加坡的发展离不开新加坡人民行动党",孙景峰教授系统地阐释了人民行动党的执政模式如何运作,又是如何带领新加坡走向成功的.     

中国共产党执政理念的更新和领导价值取向的转换

从革命党向执政党的转换,是中国共产党90年历程中的一次重大转折。随着这次转折,我党的执政理念和领导价值取向也实现了重大的更新和转换。以中国特色社会主义为政治目标价值取向的确立标志着我党执政理念的成熟,以经济建设为中心价值取向的确立,实现了从以政治斗争为中心向以经济建设为中心的执政理念的转换。社会主义核心价值体系的确立,...     

马来西亚的内外政策及其展望

马来西亚的内外政策及其展望廖小健１９９５年４月２５日马来西亚举行了第九届大选，执政党国民阵线获得１９２个国会议席中的１６１席，占总席位的８３．８５％，以绝对优势赢得大选胜利而继续执政，大选结果充分表明马来西亚九百万各族选民对执政党为建立一个先进、团结...     

2006年韩国的政治外交及韩朝关系综述

2006年是卢武铉总统执政的第四年,也是韩国政治外交发展极不平静的一年.尽管韩国经济在2006年度稳中有升,实现了5%的增长,卢武铉总统领导的政府也接连推出了"国家均衡发展战略"、"11·15不动产稳定方案"、"可持续发展战略"、"希望韩国2030蓝图"等一系列政策措施和国家中长期发展规划,但由于政府要员相继辞职、地方选举失利、改宪动议受阻、执政党大批议员退党等政坛风波接连不断,围绕与美国的FTA谈判、战时作战指挥权回收、因朝鲜试射导弹和进行核试验引发的对朝政策调整等问题的激烈论争先后成为韩国舆论的焦点,再加上国内房地产价格飞涨、失业率上升、教育费用居高不下等一些关系到老百姓切身利益的民生问题也没有得到很好解决,韩国国内对卢武铉总统和执政党的执政能力产生了普遍质疑.     

Party and governance in the Arab republics

Abstract

By focusing on political memoirs as an important source, the article deals with the ruling party and governance in the Arab republics, whether they had a one-party system such as Iraq and Syria, or a multi-party system such as Egypt and Tunisia. However, one country among the republics, Libya, annulled political parties and parliament and created its own unique system of governance. Through memoirs of party members, parliamentary opponents, and ministers, the article analyses the substantial role of the ruling parties in perpetuating the regimes. While the triangular relationship between the leadership, the party, and the bureaucracy differed from one republic to another, the overall structure of governance did not vary widely, except in the case of Libya.     

Seychelles: Democratising in the shadows of the past

This article is an assessment of the country's governance and the likelihood that the country can break free from the shadow of former President René and his one-party state. The paper examines eight key areas of democratic governance: the constitution and rule of law; the judiciary; the National Assembly; elections; civil society; the internal security forces; economic life; and the executive. Although it finds some changes for the better over the last few years, old habits remain of a politicised judiciary, a blurring of the boundaries between party and state, regime policing, partisan distribution of state benefits and a constrained National Assembly. It concludes with a discussion of the likely role of the former incumbent, given that he still retains the chair of the ruling party and shows little sign of allowing the new President to be his own man. The likelihood of further governance progress for Seychelles depends on the political courage of President Michel.     

郑洪年与国立暨南大学的党化教育(1927—1934)

党化教育是国民党掌权后在思想领域实行一党专制的重要手段,尤以民国国立大学内的党化教育最为典型。本文着重以民国华侨教育家郑洪年任校长期间的国立暨南大学为考察点,探讨国民党在国立大学实施党化教育的主旨、具体措施及其影响,以加深对民国时期党化教育的认识。     

The Rise and Fall of the Liberal Hezbe Watan or Homeland Party in Afghanistan, 1949–52

Afghanistan is largely known as a tribal peasant society, where the dominant organised socio-political forces are the tribes and the religious establishment, and where democratic and secular movements have been generally absent from the political scene. It is the tribal chiefs and the religious establishment that represent and mobilise people. However, liberal and constitutionalist movements in the country have had a relatively rich background since the early twentieth century. While the first constitutionalist political party emerged in the early 1900s, the first liberal party, Watan (or Homeland), emerged in the late 1940s in the aftermath of World War II, when the government allowed some changes in the method of ruling. The party became the most vocal and influential in political circles at the time. This article examines how a liberal-nationalist political party emerged and operated even though the ruling class had little desire for fundamental changes such as the separation of powers, freedom of expression or rule of law. It explores the features of the party, including its platform, goals, social and ethno-religious make-up and the method of struggle chosen to achieve its objectives, which also enabled it to take a leading role in the political process in the early 1950s.     

Namibia's national assembly and presidential elections 2009: Did democracy win?

National Assembly and presidential elections were held in Namibia on 27 and 28 November 2009. The former liberation movement South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO) once again secured an overwhelming majority of votes, which consolidated its de facto one-party rule. But the build up to these elections, the contestation by a newly established party and the disputed election results indicated a growing polarisation and a totalitarian tendency, which dents the positive image hitherto associated with Namibian democracy. This election analysis summarises features before, during and after the elections and puts the voting results into a party political context.     

新加坡人民行动党政府的社会控制方式

本文从制度环境、制度安排、政策和策略等方面对新加坡执政的人民行动党及其政府如何处理与其它政党、社群组织和普通选民的关系和社会控制方式进行了分析。指出在制度设计上,它是一个存在一定程度多元制衡的一党独大的以行政为主导的软权威主义的政体。在处理与反对党的关系方面,执政党的基本原则是一方面对其严格限制和控制,采取一切“合法的”手段把其摒弃在国家权力之外,另一方面则保证其在一定程度上的发言权,以对执政党进行一定程度的监督、反映不同的利益和政见。在处理与社群组织和选民的关系方面,其基本原则是通过推行国家合作主义的政策把人民群众纳入执政党所设定的政治发展进程之中;实行一种具有多元利益表达和一定民主性的、提倡体制内合作的自上而下的制度;人民行动党在联系群众方面已经形成了高度制度化的联系机制,尤其是这种机制不是一味迎合人民群众的眼前需要,而是着眼于其长远利益。     

台湾政党政治的腐败与政治转型

近二十年来,金钱政治以一种看似矛盾和不自觉的方式,破坏着台湾执政党和政府及官员的政治形象、权力结构和统治基础,以一种潜在的力量推动着它们的政党政治和政治体制由一元的模式向多元的模式变化,从而加快了多元政治的发展;同时,在巩固民主的过程中,它以一种瓦解体制的形式阻碍着民主制度的形成和稳定.进一步来说,这种腐败在政党政治和政治发展的不同阶段可以产生不同的作用,它或是在巩固政治转型阶段推动政治转型和民主化,或是在巩固民主的阶段推动或阻碍民主的发展,但其总的表现形式都是瓦解体制.     

ZANU(PF) strategies in general elections, 1980-2000: Discourse and coercion

For many analysts, the general election campaign in 2000 showeda new face of the ruling party, ZANU(PF). Against the new oppositionparty, the Movement for Democratic Change, ZANU(PF) engagedin violence and intimidation, often relying on youth and warveterans, even as it accused its opponents of subversive violence.Moreover, ZANU(PF) appealed to its liberation war credentials,while dismissing its chief opponents as puppets of British imperialismand reactionary white settlers. After the election, PresidentMugabe appealed for reconciliation between winners and losers,only to permit violence against those who had voted againstthe ruling party. For ruling party perpetrators of violence,there was impunity and later a presidential pardon. The purposeof this article is to demonstrate how the ruling party usedremarkably similar strategies in every general election since1980, notwithstanding striking differences in the contexts,issues, and nature of the chief opposition party. Given thiswell established pattern of ruling party violence and intimidationand characterization of opposition parties as illegitimate,the article seeks to understand why analysts repeatedly sawin the regular multiparty elections either a democratic systemor one that was amenable to democratization.     

Failure of security co‐operation in SADC: The suspension of the organ for politics,defence and security

Political opposition parties are considered crucial to the nurturing, enhancing and consolidating of democracy in every political system. Indeed, their existence is proof of political tolerance, competitive party elections, the provision of choices to the voting public and the possibility of alternation in power. However, the political opposition on the African continent is generally weak, and particularly so in Botswana, resulting in the predominance of the ruling party in political affairs. This article analyses the weaknesses of Botswana's opposition parties by tracing their historical evolution, characteristics, electoral base, and performance against the background of the political and electoral system in Botswana and the strength of the ruling party itself. It concludes that future prospects for the opposition to make greater inroads into the Botswana Democratic Party's support are small because of the fragmented nature of the opposition itself and the relative satisfaction of citizens with the current government's performance.     

Singapore’s 2015 General Election: Explaining PAP’s Resounding Win

Abstract

While Singapore’s 15th general election came about as expected, the ensuing results did not. In view of the opposition’s performance in the 2011 general election and the general sense that the ruling party had done well despite its performance being anything but sterling, the results were somewhat shocking. Even the leaders of the ruling party were caught by surprise at the party’s ability to garner 70% of the valid votes, 10% more than in the previous election. While many factors played a role, it was the opposition parties that lost the election rather than the ruling party that won it. Most of the opposition parties were rejected by the voters on grounds of not being worthy of support. The leading opposition party, the Workers’ Party, also suffered as many voters feared that it might perform too well to the detriment of the ruling party. In the end, the 2015 general elections strengthened the one-party-dominant state in Singapore and the quest for greater political representation was placed on the back burner.