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The rhetoric of US foreign policy since the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York on 11 September 2001, would suggest that there has been a fundamental shift in US foreign relations. This is often summarised as a shift from multilateralism to unilateralism and, in the context of the war on terrorism, concomitantly a shift from geo-economic to geopolitical priorities. The rhetoric of the fight against the ‘axis of evil’, however, may simply cloud underlying continuities in US relations with Asia. Nevertheless the process of coalition-building by the Bush administration in the ‘War on Terrorism’ has impacted on the distance Asian countries have been able to maintain in relation to the United States. The case studies presented in this special issue raise a number of important issues concerning perceptions and the practice of US hegemony and the complex links between leadership and ‘followership’ at the inter-state level. They also draw out the impacts engendered by US–Asia relations on the wider phenomenon of regionalisation in the Asia-Pacific region.  相似文献   

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《Strategic Comments》2020,26(3):i-iii
A protest movement that began in October 2019 has spurred millions of Chileans to demonstrate against cost-of-living increases imposed by the centre-right government, but also against social and economic inequality more broadly. The government has come under fire for its heavy-handed repression of the protests, and now faces a referendum in which the public will have the choice to preserve the country’s dictatorship-era constitution, or replace it and potentially upend the status quo.  相似文献   

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Although Chilean municipalities are not permitted to borrow, they do so through arrears and leasing contracts. A formal model of municipal indebtedness is estimated, based on a sample of 345 municipalities with yearly data from 2004 to 2007. Variables that are positively and significantly related to borrowing through arrears are: mayors closely tied to the ruling central government coalition; politically diverse municipal councils; years close to elections; and deeper municipal involvement in education. While leasing contracts appear to be insensitive to political factors, they are positively and significantly related to municipal staff managerial skills and municipal revenues per capita.  相似文献   

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Coalitions have been critical for the reemergence of democracy and stability in Uruguay and Chile. Where do they come from? Why are they successful? To explore the role of history and ideologies in the formation and successes of two leftwing coalitions, Uruguay’s Frente Amplio (Broad Front) (FA) and Chile’s Concertación por la Demcracia (Concertación), the author traveled to South America. In Montevideo and Santiago, she spoke with professors and politicians, government officials and former Presidents. This essay will introduce the Uruguayan and Chilean political party systems, discuss how they have dealt with crimes committed by the dictatorships (1973–1990), and highlight the significance of the two coalitions. It will use the term “left” to designate parties which favor egalitarianism and statism, and claim to speak for the people, especially the underprivileged; the term “right” for those which favor liberty, individual initiative, equality of opportunity, and limited government.  相似文献   

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The Japanese farm sector illustrates the key measures of rural electoral influence in advanced industrialized societies and the principal causes of decline in the electoral basis of agrarian power. The political impact of the farm vote is sensitive to wider social, economic and demographic changes as well as to restructuring processes in electoral, organizational and party-political systems. In Japan's case the agricultural electorate continues to shrink along with the electoral profile of rural and semi-rural constituencies and the number of farm politicians in the Diet, although the orientation of the ruling conservative party towards the rural sector is strengthening in relative terms. The disproportionate enfranchisement of farm voters will be further reduced by electoral reform, which will generate potential gains and losses for the farm sector.  相似文献   

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吴军 《理论导刊》2001,(8):48-50
土地革命战争,是中国共产党历史上很重要的一个时期,它不但创立了苏维埃新政权,而且党对搞好自身建设、倡廉防腐进行了初步尝试。尽管是在战争年代,而且时间不长,但其中有许多经验值得研究和总结。一、建立监督机构和制度,使政府行为受到严格制约早在大革命时期,党的五大就选举产生了中央监察委员会,主席由王荷波担任,委员有杨匏安等。1927年6月1日中央政治局发布的《中国共产党第三次修正章程决案》中,又增加“监察委员会”一章,这个章程对监察机构的设置和纪律处分都作了比较具体的规定。但王荷波在“八·七”会议后被任命为中…  相似文献   

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On the eve of Chile's transition from military to elected government, the outgoing regime enacted an electoral engineering project intended to conserve the constitutional order it encoded in 1980. An analysis of 1989 and 1993 general elections shows that the way votes are translated into seats favors, as intended, the second largest electoral block, the Chilean Right. This bias, along with the number of appointed senators and the special majorities required for constitutional amendments, gives the Right a minority veto power on any reform initiative. Moreover, the electoral system produces incentives for parties, candidates and voters that enhances this balance of power. The role that the electoral system plays in Chile therefore consolidates a limited form of democracy, rather than a liberal one.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

The term neoliberalism became associated with processes of economic and social restructuring in various parts of the world during the latter years of the twentieth century. While the importance of these processes is undisputed, the extent to which neoliberalism constitutes a coherent and consistent ideology, or merely a contingent and contextual set of broadly related policies, remains a source of contention. In this article, we explore this question through a comparative analysis of the political discourse of neoliberal transition in Britain and Chile. Drawing on the model of historical comparison developed by Antonio Gramsci, we argue that these two countries represent paradigm cases of the constitutional and authoritarian routes to neoliberalism. However, by focusing on the discourses of national renewal in the speeches and writings of Margaret Thatcher and Augusto Pinochet, we argue that both cases rest on a particular articulation of the themes of coercion and consent. As such, we suggest that while each paradigm articulates these themes in distinct ways, it is the relationship between the two that is essential to the political ideology of neoliberalism, as the coercive construction of consensus in Chile and the consensual construction of coercion in Britain.  相似文献   

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This article comparatively analyses the cases of Mexico and Chile to understand how women's movements contest the meaning of citizenship in various national contexts. We also assess the consequences that different movement strategies, such as ‘autonomy’ versus ‘double militancy’, have for movements' citizenship goals. To explain the different outcomes in the two cases, we focus on the nature of the democratic transition, the internal coherence of women's movements, the nature of alliances with other civil society actors, the ideological orientation of the newly democratized state, the form of women's agency within the state, and the nature of the neoliberal economic reforms. We argue that a serious problem for women in both Chile and Mexico is the fact that governments themselves are deploying the concept of citizenship as a way to legitimate their social and economic policies. While women's movements seek to broaden the meaning of citizenship to include social rights, neoliberal governments employ the rhetoric of citizen activism to encourage society to provide its own solutions to economic hardship and poverty. While this trend is occurring in both Chile and Mexico, there are some features of the political opportunity structure in Chile that enable organized women to contest the state's more narrow vision of democratic citizenship. In Mexico, on the other hand, the neoliberal economic discourse of the current government is matched by a profoundly conservative ideological rhetoric, thereby reducing the political opportunities for women to forward a gender equality agenda.  相似文献   

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