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1.
非法移民:困扰俄罗斯的一道难题   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
近年来俄罗斯主要边境地段非法移民情况严重 ,给俄罗斯的边境乃至国家安全带来了隐患。非法移民的途径是选定与俄相邻的边界地段 ,利用俄驻外领事馆正式颁发的身份证和护照、利用民族血缘关系相近国家的假护照、利用带有前苏联标志的证件等手段以合法或非法的方式进入俄罗斯。俄政府已采取了一些整治措施 ,但要彻底解决非法移民问题 ,尚需时日  相似文献   

2.
The recent rise of Asia as a global geopolitical center has led to renewed interest in Asian history, not just by Asians but by Europeans as well. Genghis Khan is one of those figures who attracts attention, and several movies on him have recently been created. One of them was made in Russia and has led to broad public response. These responses have made it possible to gauge the views of the Russian public on the role of Russia in the global community and the relationship between Russians and ethnic minorities of the Russian Federation.  相似文献   

3.
The purpose of this essay is to consider the probable impact of issues related to ethnic and cultural identity on democratization in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. Particular attention will be given to the demographic make‐up of the Baltic states, which are home to a high percentage of Slavs (mostly Russians but also Belarusians, Poles, and Ukrainians), and to those factors which affect how these Slavs and the majority Baits: (1) identify themselves; and (2) identify with the new states in which they find themselves. The key question is the degree to which civic democracy can prosper in a newly emerging multi‐ethnic state. The answer is important not only for the Baltic states but also for the other new multinational states that have emerged from the former Soviet Union and Central and Eastern Europe in the past few years.  相似文献   

4.
19世纪60年代,俄国远东地区出现了第一批朝鲜移民。朝鲜人向俄国移民的初期,移民得到积极安置,此后每年都有大批朝鲜人迁入俄国,他们逐渐成为俄国远东地区的主要劳动力。朝鲜人向俄国远东地区移民,不仅受东北亚国际关系的影响,更取决于俄国、朝鲜乃至中国的国内状况,它是在国内外综合因素作用下所引发的一种国际移民现象。  相似文献   

5.
苏联解体后,在中俄旅游和边贸的推动下,大量的中国移民涌入俄罗斯。他们在俄罗斯的农业、商业、建筑业等各个领域挥洒着汗水,不仅为自己积累着财富,更为俄罗斯的市场繁荣、经济振兴注入了巨大的活力。同时他们也为祖国的发展和增进中俄友谊做出了贡献。  相似文献   

6.
俄罗斯人口危机与移民政策透视   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
地广人稀的俄罗斯在21世纪面临人口锐减和欧亚两部分人口分布失衡的压力,而强国富民战略的实施势必关涉劳动力资源配置,从西部、原苏联加盟共和国或邻国引入必要的人口是东部地区发展的先决条件。  相似文献   

7.
This article analyzes some of the experiences of the OSCE in Estonia, Georgia, and Tajikistan. Conflicts in these three countries followed the demise of the Soviet Union and had basic aspects in common: actual and potential border claims; the presence of a large number of national minorities whose ethnicity is shared with neighbouring kin‐ethnic states; as well as conflicting claims of national self‐determination and territorial integrity. By comparing and contrasting these cases, this article discusses the implications of the OSCE's approach and its limits in the context of the former Soviet Union, and offers some policy recommendations for the future OSCE's activities in this region. The central arguments are as follows: the OSCE has played a significant role in building a sustainable peace in the former Soviet Union where few European institutions have attempted to intervene; and that while being heavily influenced by Russian policies, the OSCE's activities in the CIS were not simple reflections of Russian interests.  相似文献   

8.
Livi-bacci M 《对外政治》1994,59(3):661-670
This work compares attitudes toward immigration in Europe and North America. Europe has adopted and reinforced a restrictive immigration policy since the 1970s, but family reunification and asylum for refugees have replaced labor migration to maintain the flow of newcomers over the past two decades. Illegal immigration has increased in countries such as Italy and Spain where immigration is a recent phenomenon. Migratory pressure from the former Soviet block, violence against immigrants in Germany and elsewhere, the crisis of social protection systems, economic recession and increasing unemployment have pressured European governments to reinforce their closed door policy. In the US, restrictions against immigration have relaxed greatly since adoption of the Immigration Reform and Control Act in 1986. Over 800,000 immigrants have been admitted annually to the US in recent years. The factors explaining the different immigration policies in North America and Europe are not economic or demographic, but stem rather from history, social structure, the functioning of the labor market and social mobility. North America, more than Europe, has a positive view of immigration as contributing to the vitality and renewal of the culture and promoting development by broadening experience and knowledge. Immigration is regarded in Europe as, at best, a necessity in times of labor shortage and economic expansion. European countries tend to perceive themselves as totally formed and not requiring further cultural contribution. Homogeneity in culture, language, and religion is valued. Social mobility is possible in North America through professional success, but in the older and more hierarchical societies of Europe, social status is determined by birth and family or other connections. Since the early 1990s, public opinion toward immigration has become less favorable on both sides of the Atlantic, with increasing proportions favoring limitation. The positive perception of immigration in America and the work of pressure groups have thus far blocked restrictionist measures. In Europe, restrictive policies are in perfect harmony with public opinion.  相似文献   

9.
Abstract

This paper examines the factors influencing the support for Russia’s Ukraine policy. Western sanctions imposed on Russia have crippled its economy and the general well-being of its people. However, support for Moscow’s Ukraine policy remains firm among the Russian population, who believe that the West has malevolent intentions toward Russia. The Russian elite has skillfully utilized identity politics for national consolidation and to mobilize support for its Ukraine policy by manipulating Russian history, beliefs, and worldviews. Russians see themselves as righteous people who are highly capable of dealing with difficulties and certainly as winners in the conflict with the West.  相似文献   

10.
张晓艳  米军 《东北亚论坛》2007,16(2):110-115
俄罗斯养老金制度起源于前苏维埃时期。前苏联解体后,俄罗斯政府为了适应市场经济发展的需要,改革了国家集中管理的养老保险制度,实行了资金来源多样化的、重视效率并兼顾公平的社会保障模式。新的养老金制度支付体系的实施,表明俄罗斯基本建立起了社会化的养老保险制度框架。政府预算开支已经显著降低,依靠社会集资占据主导地位。但是2000年以前的养老金制度实质上仍是前苏联时期的现收现支体系的翻版。从2001年12月起,《俄罗斯联邦强制养老保险法》、《俄罗斯联邦国家养老保障法》和《俄罗斯联邦劳动养老金法》同时开始生效。这标志着俄罗斯的养老保障体制改革进入了一个更加完备的有法律保障的发展阶段。  相似文献   

11.

This article argues that the 12 states of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) are evenly divided into two groups that are grouped around Russia and Ukraine. The emergence of these two groups, one of which is decidely pro‐Western and pro NATO ‐GUUAM (Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Moldova) ‐is a sign of what Brzezinski defined as early as 1994 as geopolitical pluralism has finally emerged in the former USSR. US policy, he argued, should be the consolidation of this geopolitical pluralism within the former Soviet Union as the means by which a non‐imperial, ‘normal’ Russian nation‐state would emerge with whom a ‘genuine American‐Russian partnership’ could be secured. Brzezinski signalled that Ukraine was the key state that prevented the revival of a new Russian empire and therefore aided the consolidation of Russian democracy. One could add that GUUAM, as an organization led by Ukraine, should also therefore play a central role in US and Western policy towards the former USSR.  相似文献   

12.
俄国自由主义是俄国对西方的感应和国内的变迁共同作用的混合产物,它是以欧洲自由主义的变异形态即"不充分的自由主义"存在并发挥作用的。从短时段看,俄国近代自由主义随着1918年立宪会议被解散而走向终结;但从长时段看,自由主义作为俄国近代化的产物,它随着俄国近代化的向前发展而逐渐融入俄国社会,成为俄国近代以来政治文化传统的重要组成部分。  相似文献   

13.
根据1922年7月的南森—苏俄遣返计划,少量俄国难民在国际联盟难民机构监督下从保加利亚遣返回苏俄,这是历史上以国际组织调停的形式组织难民遣返的首次尝试。各方对于难民遣返的必要性与可行性、遣返性质及难民回国后的安全等问题的争论贯穿遣返计划始终。由于政治因素对难民问题的干扰,南森—苏俄遣返计划以失败告终。它对后来处理难民问题的国际组织具有重要的借鉴价值。  相似文献   

14.
俄罗斯东部地区劳动力资源与移民问题   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
近十几年来俄罗斯人口持续减少,特别是其东部地区人口减速令人震惊,而且人口减少已形成难以逆转之势。俄东部地区地广人稀,劳动力资源缺乏问题长期存在。人口锐减导致劳动力不足问题加剧。人口问题对俄东部地区乃至整个俄罗斯经济增长构成现实威胁。俄政府鼓励多生育等措施不奏效,人口形势继续恶化。选择移民补充人口和劳动力是现实的解决办法。俄调整和完善国家吸引移民政策势在必行。  相似文献   

15.
后冷战时期,俄罗斯地缘政治潜力下降,促使其对外政策中地缘经济战略凸现。地缘经济战略中的能源外交成为俄对外政策的重点。俄地缘经济战略的实施使其经济从解体后的萧条中复苏,但其也存在着不可忽视的变数。随着世界政治经济格局的变化,俄对外政策中地缘政治与地缘经济因素互动着,这成为后冷战时期俄罗斯对外政策的特点。  相似文献   

16.
On a number of recent occasions, the top Russian leadership has expressed its special interest in the affairs of former Soviet republics, including the assertion that Russia has a “privileged” relationship with these now independent states.1 Is this a claim of accomplished fact, of future intention, or perhaps an empty expression of nostalgia for lost status? As we see it, the record of Russian actions in the largest group of these states—the five of Central Asia—allows us to exclude the first and question whether the second is realizable. Russia must contend with the aspirations of those states themselves, as well as the determined interests of China and, to a lesser extent, the West.  相似文献   

17.
俄罗斯对外能源战略和中俄能源博弈   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
俄罗斯对外能源战略具有一贯性,即使用"能源武器"开展对外能源合作。但与苏联和叶利钦时期相比,当前的俄罗斯对外能源战略更为灵活和务实。俄罗斯不仅要利用能源来壮大自身经济实力,还要运用能源武器提升自己的大国地位。中俄能源合作有着广阔的前景,但由于俄罗斯追求"国家利益"最大化,以及采取"捆绑式"能源外交,使中俄石油管线的修建一波三折,天然气合作依旧处在初级阶段。中国应加强对俄罗斯对外能源战略的研究,认清两国能源合作中存在的问题,以此推动双边和多边的能源合作。  相似文献   

18.
苏联解体后 ,国内外很多企业家赴俄开拓新市场。由于转轨中的俄罗斯政局动荡 ,经济滑坡、法规不健全等原因 ,企业经营风险很大 ,为此绝大多数企业难以为继并先后离俄回国。中国华富公司却独辟蹊径闯出了一条成功之路 ,成为中国开拓俄罗斯建筑市场的一面旗帜。该公司成功的奥秘是根据俄国国情 ,审时度势 ,适时打好五张牌 :质量牌、信誉牌、经营牌、本土牌和远见牌  相似文献   

19.
苏联解体后,俄罗斯的外交政策从向西方“一边倒”转为东西方平衡的“双头鹰外交”,东亚在其整体外交格局中的地位上升.俄罗斯东亚战略的主要目标是要成为东亚大国,其政策主要受到两方面因素的驱动和影响:一是基于对国际和地区均势的追求,二是出于本国平衡发展的需要,以及对自身面临威胁的认知.中俄关系是俄罗斯东亚政策的重心,同时它也积极发展与东亚其他行为体的关系.俄罗斯与东亚的关系在过去十多年里稳步提升,但也面临着俄远东地区开发困难重重、融入东亚经济空间进展缓慢、国内意见分歧等诸多挑战.在世界战略重心东移的背景下,在当前因乌克兰危机而使俄与欧美的地缘政治冲突激化的情势下,俄罗斯将会进一步加强其整体外交政策中的东亚维度.  相似文献   

20.
本文以亚太地区的美国、澳大利亚和印尼等国为例,从文化差异与移民认同入手,探讨了移民认同与民族的关系。笔者认为,不同民族的文化因植根于不同的历史环境、经历不同的历史发展,其差异性是很明显的。正是这种文化差异,会使各移民产生不同的文化认同,从而引发种族集聚的局面,有时也会导致种族歧视或种族主义。此外,各种移民由于具有不同的文化认同,也可能会引发民族之间的摩擦或冲突。  相似文献   

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