小国走出大管家--世贸组织候任总干事素帕猜

当1999年世界贸易组织大会代表们在经过了无休止的争论和游说后,终于做出了一个空前的决定,由新西兰人穆尔(1999年9月至2002年8月)和泰国人素帕猜·巴尼差帕(2002年9月至2005年8月)轮流担任世贸组织本届总干事后,这个陌生的泰国人一夜之间走进了中国读者的视线.现在,让我们走近素帕猜,认识一下这位世贸未来三年的大管家.     

顶起政坛一片天的柔美女性——泰国候任总理英拉·西那瓦小记

2011年7月3日,泰国举行国会下议院大选。当天午夜,泰国选举委员会公布计票结果,由前总理他信胞妹英拉·西那瓦领军的为泰党赢得下议院500个议席中的265席,成为第一大党。为泰党随后宣布与其他5个政党就组建拥有300个议席的执政联盟达成一致,共同推举为泰党第一候选人英拉出任下届总理。     

理财高手--加拿大新总理保罗·马丁

2003年12月12日,加拿大自由党新领袖保罗@马丁正式宣誓就任加拿大第21任总理.自本世纪80年代末期步入政界,经过与前任总理克雷蒂安十余年的政治较量后,马丁终于实现了其父当年未能实现的"党魁梦",继而自动成为总理.     

坚忍不拔终成大器--马来西亚新总理巴达维

3月4日,刚刚接掌马来西亚相印不到半年的巴达维宣布解散国会.3月21日,马来西亚举行第十一届全国大选.以马来民族统一机构(巫统)为核心的执政联盟国民阵线(国阵)以秋风扫落叶般的气势,在总共219个国会议席中一举拿下198席,在504个州议席中斩获了452席,把超过90%的国州议席尽收囊中,赢得了自国阵1974年成立以来最辉煌的胜利,巴达维蝉联新一届政府总理.     

从物理实验员到总理候选人--德国基民盟主席安格拉·默克尔

科尔垂青的"优秀女人" 安格拉·默克尔1954年7月17日出生于前西德的汉堡.母亲从事教师工作,父亲则是一名虔诚的新教牧师.默克尔自小随父亲迁往原东德的滕普林,在东柏林的郊区度过了自己的童年.1973年,默克尔考入莱比锡大学物理专业学习,毕业后为了继续深造,1978年进入了东德科学院物理化学中心研究所从事研究工作,并于1986年获得物理博士学位.     

中罗合作前景广阔--罗马尼亚总理讷斯塔塞访谈录

记者(以下简称记):尊敬的讷斯塔塞总理,您是中国人民的老朋友,近年来多次率团访华.今年适逢中罗两国建交55周年,能否请您谈谈中罗关系近年取得了哪些进展?     

周恩来与中东--纪念周恩来总理逝世30周年

周恩来作为一代伟人,一生建树颇丰.他是当代中国和世界最有影响的外交家,其外交思想光彩照人,不朽功绩永垂青史.他为开拓新中国对中东的工作做出了卓越贡献,其业绩对推动中国与中东国家关系的发展产生了重大而深远的影响.     

从实业巨头到意大利总理--梅开二度的贝卢斯科尼

随着中右联盟在5月13日举行的第十四届议会选举中获胜,意大利力量党领导人西尔维奥·贝卢斯科尼,这位拥有意大利最著名的AC米兰足球队和庞大媒体帝国的实业巨头,在被赶下总理宝座6年后,终于卷土重来,再次入主总理府.他的传奇式的人生,引起了世人的关注.     

蒙古政坛的黑马--新任总理米·恩赫包勒德

2006年1月25日,蒙古国家大呼拉尔(议会)全体会议经投票表决,蒙古人民革命党(简称人革党)主席米·恩赫包勒德以83.3%的支持率获准出任蒙古国新政府总理.28日,恩赫包勒德提名的17名阁员中有16名得到了议会任命,新政府的组阁基本完成.至此,因蒙古联合政府解散而引发的政治风波暂告平息.     

从印度"经济改革之父"到新总理--曼莫汉·辛格

5月13日,印度大选揭晓,国大党出人意料地击改了执政的印度人民党.更让人意想不到的是,国大党主席索尼娅·甘地竟然宣布不出任新政府总理.这在印度国内引起轩然大波,究竟谁是新总理人选成为人们关注的焦点.5月19日,72岁的曼莫汉·辛格被总统卡拉姆任命为印度总理,也是印度独立以来的首位锡克族总理.辛格的任命宣布后,即将执政的联合进步联盟以及支持联盟的左派政党纷纷表态支持.印度工商界和投资者也普遍看好这位有"印度经济改革之父"称号的国大党高级领导人.辛格以印度经济的"解放者"而闻名,他先后辅佐过英·甘地、拉·甘地和拉奥三届国大党政府,是国大党三朝元老,也是印度政坛最不带政治色彩的人物之一.     

Managing Middle Earth: The Evolving Role of Local Authority Chief Executive Officers in Auckland,New Zealand

New Zealand is often seen as a ‘test-bed’ for public sector management reform. Indeed, much has been written about the machinery and operation of central government, yet little attention has been paid to the actors and institutions of local government. This article, using evidence obtained through a series of semi-structured interviews with serving and former Chief Executive Officers (CEOs) in the Auckland region, examines the impact upon local authority chief executives of two major reforms within local government. Firstly, the impact of sweeping managerial reforms in 1989, and then secondly reforms to reinvigorate and reinvent the scope and scale of local authorities in the period since 2002. The article argues that whilst local government CEOs in New Zealand are managerially strong, these skills need to be refocused to ensure maximum benefit for local government can be gained from post-2002 reforms.     

The early 1960s as a cultural space: a microhistory of Ukraine's generation of cultural rebels

This article analyzes the early stage of the Ukrainian “sixtiers” movement as a semi-autonomous space of cultural expression that was tolerated by the authorities and defined, developed, and inhabited by young Ukrainian intellectuals. In contrast to present-day Ukrainian representations of the sixtiers as a force acting in opposition to the Soviet regime, the spatial angle employed here reveals an ambiguous relationship with official institutions. The Ukrainian Komsomol organization in particular appears to be both a controlling and an enabling agent that, together with the Writers' Union, provided meeting venues for the sixtiers until the mid-1960s. This complex symbiotic relationship continued even after some creative youth pioneered the first attempts to claim public space for cultural events without the authorities' permission. The cultural terrain inhabited by young Ukrainian intellectuals was not fully separate from mainstream Soviet Ukrainian culture or in opposition to it, although their vibrant cultural space also reached into a world of non-conformist culture unregulated by the state. A series of government crackdowns beginning in the mid-1960s dramatically shrank this open, ambivalent space of semi-free cultural expression, imposing firm boundaries and forcing intellectuals to make political choices.     

Finding a party and losing some friends: Overcoming the weaknesses of the prime ministerial figure in Italy

Silvio Berlusconi poses a problem for the existing literature on prime ministers and their power. Though Italian prime ministers are traditionally seen as weak, Berlusconi has been able to achieve some remarkable policy gains during his current term as prime minister. This article uses veto player theory and combines it with existing institutional and political explanations for variation in prime ministerial power to look at this challenging case. By looking at the number of veto players in the Italian system, and their ability to credibly use their veto against Berlusconi, an explanation is posited which can accommodate the exceptionalism of his second term in office. Despite the emphasis on his control of the media, we conclude that Berlusconi's power stems from more traditional political factors. The authors argue that Berlusconi's coalition and party allies have no choice but to accept his will and his decisions, as any alternatives are less appealing.     

适应新形势,推动友城工作再上新水平

纵观当今世界,一方面经济全球化和区域经济集团化是不可逆转的两大趋势,另一方面也形成了以中心城市为核心的全球城市层级体系,城市和城市体系的发展与城市之间的合作,已不仅仅局限于所在区域乃至所在国家的影响,而是与世界经济的发展息息相关.为顺应经济全球化和区域经济合作的趋势与特点,加强世界城市体系发展中城市之间的交流与合作,把友城工作作为与国外进行交流与合作的平台,推动全方位、宽领域、多层次对外开放,是新形势下推动友城工作再上新水平的策略和举措.     

非洲经济迎来发展新阶段

非洲在资源和自然条件方面称得上是世界上最富饶的地区,有着发展经济的良好条件.但由于长达几百年的殖民统治,使非洲经济单一,成为世界上最贫困落后的大陆.     

From extractivism towards buen vivir: mining policy as an indicator of a new development paradigm prioritising the environment

This article analyses mining policy as an indicator of a larger question: are some Third World governments starting to steer away from plunder ‘extractivism’ towards a paradigm that prioritises the environment? We begin with the cases of El Salvador and Costa Rica, which have major mining bans in place. We then present the results of our research in which we find five other countries with noteworthy mining-policy shifts: Panama, Colombia, Argentina, Chile, and New Zealand. A sixth country, Honduras under President Zelaya, stands as a recent historical case of how sensitive such a policy change can be. A key take-away from our article is that critical development scholars and practitioners need to look more closely at the mining sector – not simply to analyse case studies of specific mining protests and resistances to extractivism, although these are of course important. Rather, there is a need to investigate policy changes that just might be indications that the era of unquestioning extractivism has ended and that at least some governments are initiating policies to incorporate environmental externalities, policies that suggest a changing development paradigm in the direction of environmental – and concomitant social and economic – ‘well-being’ as envisioned in buen vivir.