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英国是一个有着悠久情报历史的国家,其16世纪中期第一个情报机构正式成立至今已有400多年,可称西方情报机构的鼻祖。随着大英帝国国力的衰弱,其情报安全机构也开始走下坡路,但不可否认的是,英国情报安全机构在欧洲国家中仍是最出色的。  相似文献   

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This essay introduces a series of articles that explore the relation of history to political communication research. It is shown that as a field of study political communication has tended to ignore historical methods and sensibilities. This tendency is traced to the field's roots in social psychology, political science, and early mass communication research. However, although political communication tends to ignore historical research, it often depends upon implicit, unquestioned historical narratives. Thus, a more robust historical imagination is encouraged not only because it may produce more and better historical research, but also because it may assist in the development of tools for reflecting on the way political communication already deploys historical narratives.  相似文献   

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非洲环境法简析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
吴勇 《西亚非洲》2003,(5):62-65
非洲各国在寻求可持续发展的过程中建立了自己的环境法体系。而且非洲环境法具有鲜明的特点 ,这主要体现为 :在宪法中明确规定环境权或国家在环境保护方面的基本职责和公民的基本环境权利与义务 ;在加强单行性专门立法的同时 ,制定跨领域、跨部门、跨行业的综合性环境法律 ;加强环境执法力度 ,制定专门的国家环境计划和行动规划 ;在环保领域进行广泛的区域性合作 ,以共同行动来对付日益严重的环境问题。但是由于非洲存在复杂的政治、经济、民族和宗教问题 ,环境法的实施常常滞后。非洲国家只有坚持可持续发展的道路 ,加强各国的协调与合作 ,才能最终解决环境问题  相似文献   

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2003年伊拉克战争后,伊斯兰什叶派穆斯林问题成为中东研究中的热点.然而,时至今日,巴林的什叶派穆斯林问题还没有引起世人的关注.  相似文献   

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李东 《国际资料信息》2003,(4):20-22,29
苏联解体后,俄罗斯联邦作为其继承者,也接管了原苏联克格勃的各项事务,但由于初期军警政官员频繁更迭,情报安全工作方针飘忽不定,其工作一度陷入松散状态。从1992年开始,俄情报安全机构着手整编,人员趋于相对稳定,工作也逐步走上正轨。时至今日,俄已基本形成了俄安全会议管理指导下的情报安全工作体系,成为世界上最大的情报、安全机构之一。  相似文献   

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法国情报工作已有800年的发展史,曾创造过辉煌,也经历过挫折,特别是冷战后的第一次海湾战争期间,法情报机构折戟沉沙、无所作为。此后,历届政府对情报机构进行大刀阔斧的调整和改革,使其重新焕发青春与活力,成为世界首屈一指的情报机构之一。  相似文献   

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经过2004年与2007年两度东扩,欧盟与中亚五国在地理上越来越近。2007年6月22日,欧盟通过了第一份系统全面的中亚战略文件——《欧盟与中亚:新伙伴关系战略》,显著提升了对中亚的战略关注。新战略出台以来,欧盟与中亚关系取得了长足进展,标志着欧盟已成为中亚地区新的"战略玩家"。对中亚实施援助是欧盟与中亚关系的主线,本文拟将欧盟对中亚援助的总体情况及具体援助计划和工具等作一简介。  相似文献   

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以色列国虽然很小,其情报安全系统却“五脏俱全”,而且工作开展得有声有色。由于这支“精干”队伍在以、阿战争和拓展以色列生存空间方面建立过巨大功勋,因此被视为与美国、俄罗斯和英国情报部门齐名的世界“情报四强”。以色列的情报安全部门主要由情报与特殊使命局、军事情报局、国内安全总局、外交部情报研究司、科学联络局、警察情报局(SB特别勤务局)等部门组成。  相似文献   

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在纪念改革开放30周年之际,东方出版中心隆重推出有关8位驻外大使外交经历的系列力作,从改革开放与中国外交这一宏大的历史视角,印证了中国与世界关系所发生的历史性变化,引起社会的广泛关注。在这套系列丛书中,马振岗大使所著的《难忘英伦》,给读者们留下了深刻的印象。  相似文献   

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《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):243-248

The purpose of this paper is to develop a formal model of the arms export process that incorporates the complementary ideas of a fuzzy decision‐making goal and a fuzzy decision‐making constraint. The model is formulated as a control problem: The decision‐making actor—in this case, a hegemonic exporter—will attempt to control the evolution of its political relationship with a prospective importer by choosing, over time, a sequence of arms transfer strategies. The exporter's strategic choices will be influenced by its fuzzy goal (a fuzzy set of political relations outcomes between the two states that the exporter seeks to maximize) and its fuzzy constraint (a fuzzy set of arms options that the exporter is constrained to choose by virtue of the preferences of the importer's neighbors). The solution to the control problem is the exporter's optimal policy sequence, and this is uncovered via the dynamic programming optimization technique. The model is illustrated by the multistage decision‐making of the U.S. for Egypt in the years 1968–1971 and 1974–1977.  相似文献   

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从努尔西到努尔库运动--土耳其文化伊斯兰概说   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
敏敬 《西亚非洲》2004,(2):42-47
文化伊斯兰是土耳其伊斯兰复兴运动的一支重要力量,其创始人是土耳其著名宗教学者赛义德·努尔西.文化伊斯兰有许多派别,它们的共同点是重视文化教育,主张宗教与政治互不干涉,反对宗教政治化.其中最有影响力的派别是新努尔库运动,它的各项主张和社会活动均显示出土耳其伊斯兰复兴运动中截然不同于政治伊斯兰的另一种发展趋势,为了解土耳其政教关系提供了新的视角.与政治伊斯兰相比,文化伊斯兰的政治色彩较淡,其宗教观点和社会主张都不太激进,与官方也保持了较融洽的关系,因此仍然存在发展的空间,对土耳其社会的影响会进一步扩大.  相似文献   

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Introduction     
This article does not have an abstract  相似文献   

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Introduction     
Even before 1865, it was an axiom that British foreign policy was designed and pursued to ensure international stability. Stability not only gave security to the British Isles and to its global Empire; it minimized disruptions to trade and commerce - the life-blood of 'Great' Britain. In the century after 1865, the pursuit of international stability remained at the heart of diplomatic initiatives supported by capable armed forces and a strong economy. The grand strategy by which successive British governments endeavoured to achieve these national and imperial ends involved the maintenance of a balance of power - both in Europe and in the wider world where the protection of British interests in the form of prestige, markets, strategic outposts, and lines of communication preoccupied cabinets, the Foreign Office, the service ministries, other departments of state, and, sometimes, public opinion. In one sense, there were a number of individual balances of power - in Western Europe, in the western and eastern Mediterranean, in the Western Hemisphere, in South Asia, and in the Far East and Pacific Ocean. In the British diplomatic parlance of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, these balances were represented as 'questions', like the 'Eastern Question'; and the answers to these questions combined in the minds of those responsible for British foreign policy as representing a global balance of power. In this context, the European balance of power had decided importance because any continental disequilibrium could imperil the security of the home islands, the centre of the Empire, and the well-being of Britain's people and economy.  相似文献   

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