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Responsibility depends on neither causes nor intentions. It is a matter of answerability to a community of obligation. Only individuals are responsible, for collective actions as well as personal ones. Responsibility is both political and moral. Politics give substance to moral responsibility. Political forms, in turn, reflect the prevailing structure of moral responsibility. Both policy makers and policy analysts can be held responsible; this act itself, however, must be done responsibly.This article is based on the Presidential Address, Israel Philosophical Association, April 21, 1981.The author can be contacted at 2434 Benedict Canyon, Beverly Hills, CA 90210, U.S.A. until August 1982.  相似文献   

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政治哲学作为政治理论和实践的道德辩护者,首先表现为理性批判者,它以健康的怀疑和批判精神,"沉思"政治生活中的一切,而决不是以君临世界的绝对权威,以改造现实的实践者和革命者姿态去"做"和"行动"。  相似文献   

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托马斯·格林是一位影响英国思想界两代人的理论家,他的唯心主义政治哲学在1880-1920年的四十年间对英国大学里政治理论的教学和研究产生了重要影响.他提出的"共同之善"所阐述的政治学理论对改革开放中的我们仍有重大的借鉴和启示意义.  相似文献   

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Hartmut Kliemt 《Public Choice》2005,125(1-2):203-213
The paper explores some of the surprisingly many relations between theories of public choice and political philosophy. Focusing on variants of Homo oeconomicus it does so systematically rather than historically. But it factors in the history of the two disciplines along with some recent developments in (experimental) economics. This sheds new light on the counterfactual assumption that in politics everybody should be supposed to be a knave and suggests that we better seek factually sound behavioral foundations for Public Choice.  相似文献   

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汉娜·阿伦特由于曲折的人生经历促使她对哲学和政治产生与人不同的独特见解。她在严格区分和诠释劳动、工作、行动的基础上建立了政治哲学理论;然而,她过高估计政治在人的生活中的地位和意义,在政治领域中清除经济活动,使政治活动的内容狭隘而空虚,成为她理论中最大的缺陷。  相似文献   

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The new Nigerian local government system was clearly intended by its creators to be a representative and democractic system of devolution. The speed with which elected councils have been dissolved and replaced by caretaker committees and state appointees contrasts strangely with the constitutional provision that there should be a system of local government by democratically elected local councils. The constitutionality of dissolution has been confused with the constitutionality of further local government reform. Dissolution should be seen as an emergency measure to be used rarely in cases of proven maladministration by a local government. Further reform and reorganization of a state's system of local government should be regarded as a legitimate power of the state legislature. The role given by the Constitution to local government should not be interpreted as entrenching the system. Constitutional amendment is not required should further reform be necessary.  相似文献   

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西部开发中民族政治问题的思考   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本文认为,在西部大开发中,如何客观地认识民族关系、民族区域自治这些问题,有效地处理好这些问题,直接关系着西部大开发的顺利进行.作者对这些问题形成的原因、特点和影响进行了分析,同时提出了有关解决这些问题的基本思路.  相似文献   

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中国自古拥有众多的民族.从秦汉至清代两千多年间,各民族共同缔造了统一的多民族国家.自1840年至1949年的一个多世纪中,各民族从自发走向自觉,实现民族大联合,共同捍卫祖国的统一,争取并实现了中华民族的独立和解放.新中国的成立,为各民族在统一的政治屋顶下维护、实现、扩大自己的权利提供了可能.建国60年来,中国族际政治整合取得了巨大的成功,初步构建起了平等、团结、互助、和谐的新型民族关系.但在新的历史条件下,也面临一系列新的问题与挑战.因此,研究当代中国族际政治整合的基础、机制、问题、原则等问题具有重要的理论和现实意义.  相似文献   

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浅议我国政治体制改革中的几个难点问题   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
王瑞 《学理论》2009,(30):41-42
党的十七届四中全会对我国新形势下党的建设进行了研究和部署,并且就加强和改进党的建设作出了决定。结合当前政治体制改革实践,进一步研究和探讨我国政治体制改革的难点问题,对加强和改进民主政治建设具有重大的理论和实践意义。  相似文献   

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边疆多民族地区政治文明建设面临的问题和主要任务   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
边疆多民族地区在现代化进程迅速推进的过程中 ,必须着力加强政治文明建设。但是 ,边疆多民族地区政治文明建设有其特殊性 ,面临着一系列问题。因此 ,只有从实际出发 ,紧紧围绕存在的突出问题 ,边疆多民族地区政治文明建设才能真正富有实效。  相似文献   

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《学理论》2020,(2)
马克思主义哲学通过对黑格尔思辨哲学进行批判,摆脱了近代以来抽象思辨哲学的困境,并开始创建以实践为核心、以现实生活为根基的新唯物主义,从而实现了哲学史上伟大的变革。本文试对黑格尔思辨哲学及其局限性进行分析,并对马克思主义哲学变革的真实内涵及其可行性进行阐释。  相似文献   

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If, at the end of the eighteenth century, political economy became the prevailing representation of economic phenomena, this was due to the fact that, better than other economic or political discourses, it constructed a political framework in which three forces could co-exist. These forces were those that all the authors of this century tried to articulate: the state, capitalism, and those who tried to protect themselves from their power.  相似文献   

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Two implications from this research are noted. First, from a researcher's viewpoint, our research suggests the importance of age, wealth, tax rates, and marital status as determinants of political contributions by top U.S. wealth-holders. Therefore, these factors should be included in aggregated models that attempt to analyze the relations between such variables as voting, campaign expenditures and the outcomes of elections. Second, from politicians' viewpoints, this research suggests that individual economic variables such as marginal tax rates and wealth are major determinants of individual decisions to contribute to politicians. Assuming that such contributions reflect votes, this research suggests the relative importance of focusing campaign promises on economic variables — a strategy that low tax politicians like Ronald Reagan and George Bush may keenly be aware of.The views presented are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the Treasury Department.  相似文献   

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The minimax regret model of decision making under uncertainty, which was proposed by Ferejohn and Fiorina (1974) as a model of the voting decision, is here generalized to encompass forms of political participation (such as contributing money or time to a campaign) in which the range of alternatives is continuous. A principal implication of the model is that aggregate campaign contributions may be substantially increased by limiting the amount that any one individual can contribute. The conditions under which the behavior of a minimax regret decision maker can be unambiguously distinguished from that of an expected utility maximizer are also specified.  相似文献   

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政治主体     
《团结》2010,(1):9-9
即政治行为者。广义指所有的政治行为者。其相对的政治客体是政治行为赖以发生的政治环境。狭义指在政治过程中处于支配和主导地位的政治行为者.其相对的政治客体是其行为所涉及的被动的政治行为者。有些政治学家从法律的角度出发。把政治主体看作是政治权利和政治义务的承担者.认为只有那些被国家的法律赋予一定的政治权利和政治义务,并且实际地参与国家政治活动的人,才是政治主体。  相似文献   

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