以色列政治生态右倾与中东局势

2009年2月,以色列举行议会选举,以利库德集团为首的右翼阵营获得优势.大选后,右翼重新执掌以色列朝政,导致以政治生态右倾.这是以色列国内安全、政治环境变化等因素综合作用的结果.它将促使以对外政策尤其是对巴勒斯坦政策趋向强硬,加大巴以问题的解决难度,进而不可避免地恶化以色列的安全环境,并加剧以与中东伊斯兰激进势力的矛盾和冲突,引发以与美国的摩擦,使整个中东局势变得更加复杂、动荡.     

日本民主党对华政策走向探析

日本民主党主政后为实现长期执政的目标,在强化对华关系的同时,也会赋予对华外交更多战略性的色彩.然民主党既和自民党同为保守政党,也坚持把对华关系定位为以日美同盟为基轴的对外关系整体的一个局部,加上日本国内外诸要素和自身条件的制约,其对华政策的转换不仅空间有限,且也存在着不确定性.     

How to solve the many-state problem: a reply to the debate

This article responds to the debate provoked by the author's ‘Does capitalism need the state system?’ (Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 20:4 2007, 533–549) and his exchanges with Justin Rosenberg (Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 21:1 2008, 77–112). It is divided into three parts. The first restates the issues, situating them in the context of a growing Marxist preoccupation with the international in recent years, and contrasts the ‘high road’—Rosenberg's attempt to use Trotsky's concept of uneven and combined development to provide a transhistorical perspective on intersocietal relations—with Callinicos's own preferred ‘low road’ of more focused analysis centred on the prevailing mode(s) of production. The second addresses the fundamental criticisms addressed to him by Hannes Lacher, Benno Teschke and John M Hobson, all of whom deny that there is a necessary relation between capitalism and the interstate system. The third considers the more specific comments offered by Neil Davidson, Gonso Pozo-Martin, and Jamie Allinson and Alex Anievas, before concluding with an appeal for a move off the terrain of abstract theory to more empirical studies that can test the relative value of rival conceptual constructions.     

从"上海五国"机制到"上海合作组织"

"上海合作组织"是在新世纪之初成立的新型地区性组织,是"上海五国"机制的继承和发展,具有广阔的发展前景.它的成立必将为维护地区安全与稳定、促进经济发展作出应有的贡献.     

西方国际体系论探索——从科学行为主义到建构主义

自上世纪50年代以来,从最初的行为主义革命推动国际体系论的勃兴开始,国际体系逐步成为西方国际关系理论的一个核心概念和研究重点.本文对国际体系理论主要的学者及研究成果进行了梳理,从卡普兰、辛格等的行为主义研究到沃尔兹的新现实主义,继而到基欧汉的自由制度主义与温特的建构主义国际体系观.这些理论流派对国际体系提出了不同侧面的见解和观点,进而丰富和发展了西方国际体系论.     

Realizing the Responsibility to Protect

Written prior to the release of the UN Secretary-General's report on implementing the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), this article examines the effort to translate the principle from words into deeds. It begins by noting a post-2005 "revolt" against the principle in which a number of states expressed skepticism about the principle and its use in different settings. This revolt, the article contends, was largely a product of the continuing association between R2P and humanitarian intervention. This association was, in turn, caused by a combination of misplaced commentary and the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty's focus on the intervention question. This article maintains that building consensus on the R2P requires a shift in emphasis and proposes three avenues: clarifying the nature of prevention, developing practical measures, and proposing modest proposals for institutional reform.     

光荣永远属于攻打蒙卡达兵营的英雄们

众所周知 ,1 953年 7月 2 6日开始了古巴历史的决定性阶段。这一天 ,以菲德尔·卡斯特罗·鲁斯博士为首的一批革命青年 ,以革命的行动打响了我国为争取民族的最终独立、摆脱美国新殖民主义的统治的最后阶段。这一天 ,在古巴出现了政治先锋队、政治领袖和政治纲领 ,从而引导革命走向胜利并最终确立了只有武装斗争的道路才是夺取胜利的必由之路。正如人们所知 ,这次行动以军事上的失败和遭屠杀而告终。但是 ,由于这批青年的革命行动和牺牲精神 ,古巴百年来为争取最终独立的斗争进入了最后阶段 ,于 1 959年 1月 1日迎来了解放的胜利。这一英雄…     

如何评价中国对第二次世界大战胜利的贡献?

在第二次世界大战当中,中国战场是和欧洲战场、太平洋战场相并列的世界三大反法西斯侵略战场。忽视了中国战场,就忽视了世界反法西斯战争的全貌,就忽视了当年日本法西斯国家和军队对亚洲国家和人民的侵略。中国战场是反法西斯战争当中坚持斗争和作战时间最长的战场。中国是受法西斯国家侵害最严重的国家,付出的牺牲也最为惨重。中国战场是世界反法西斯战场上陆地面积最大的国别战场,其战争特点是点、线、面同时进行,长期胶着。中国极大地支援了苏联战场,使苏联得以专心致志对付德国,避免了再同日本进行两线作战的局面。对于美国而言,由于中国战场的泥沼作用,日本无法全力以赴地增兵太平洋战场,也没有力量全力以赴地对付东南亚战场。中国在二战时期大国地位的确立,实际上是中国战场的巨大作用和地位使然。由于中国坚持抗战,日本法西斯军队深陷中国的泥潭,因此其失败是一种必然。在抗日战争的过程当中,中华民族的民族意识还没有完全觉醒,日本的侵略恰恰促进了这种觉醒。中国军队遭受惨重损失的原因,主要是火力薄弱。     

泰戈尔关注东方对当代国际政治的启示

基于一种强烈的民族自尊与东方情结 ,泰戈尔在其文明论述中对东西方的不平等交往异常关注 ,由此倡导东方社会的文化大联合以对抗西方殖民强势。他在对中印关系表示关注的同时 ,还身体力行地发展中印友好关系。泰戈尔关于东方的所言所行对于解决当代亚洲的复杂问题 ,乃至思考整个世界和平与发展之策略皆有不可忽视的重要启迪意义和价值。     

促进中国对东盟直接投资的金融对策

一、发展中国家对外直接投资理论综述(一)产业优化升级理论。英国里丁大学坎特威尔认为,发展中国家跨国公司对外直接投资受其国内产业结构和内生技术创新能力的影     

The global struggle for the right to a place to live

The problem of inadequate housing and living conditions facing one quarter of the world's population is situated in this article within the frameworkof human rights, and of international recognition of the basic rights to a place to live, and to gain and sustain an adequate standard of living. The nature and scale of the housing crisis points to a failure of governance that leads to exclusion, dispossession, and violence becoming endemic in societies: the institutionalisation of insecure and inadequate housing and living conditions. The author draws on the experience of Habitat International Coalition (HIC) in developing and supporting a comprehensive range of actions at local, national, regional, and international levels; and suggests some of the elements required if changes are not only to be promoted and campaigned for, but also sustained.     

Central Asian Countries: Learning to Live Next to the Taliban

With the withdrawal of the US and coalition forces from Afghanistan and the rapid takeover by the Taliban, most Central Asian governments recognized the Taliban in a pragmatic decision to peacefully coexist with the neighboring extremist regime that will likely remain in power for the foreseeable future. Tajikistan is, however, denying the Taliban recognition and indirectly supporting the resistance movement in Panjshir. The political and human catastrophe in Afghanistan is threatening to boost autocratic tendencies and further deepen political gaps in Central Asian societies. This article discusses the rationale behind each Central Asian government’s approach to the Talibanized Afghanistan and the looming domestic and external challenges to the region.     

Reassessing the focus of transitional justice: the need to move structural and cultural violence to the centre

After over six decades of evolution, transitional justice remains focused on courts and commissions, evidenced by the allocation of international attention and resources. This is understandable given that courts and commissions are ideal platforms to hold perpetrators to account. While violent individuals and events can be addressed through courts and commission, what cannot be adequately addressed is the structural and cultural violence that makes mass atrocities possible, and remains intact in spite of truth and accountability. Structural and cultural violence manifests as systemic vulnerability and dehumanization, and it is this type of built-in violence that continues to plague countries where transitional justice has been pursued, for example the criminalization and repression of communities in South Africa, or the forced evictions that occur daily throughout Cambodia. This article argues that it is this type of violence which should become the central focus of transitional justice.