坚持群众路线保障公权力阳光运行的反腐策略

在各种腐败中,"权钱色"交易是共性,其中"公权力"是腐败滋生的中心要素。公权力腐败和异化主要表现在特权、专权、滥权、霸权、越权等方面。随着反腐斗争的不断深入,腐败也推陈出新,如"双面、两手"干部,集体腐败和联手腐败,特权腐败隐性化和扩大化,公权力与资本联姻等。针对公权力腐败特征和发展趋势,构建惩治和预防腐败体系保障公权力阳光运行成为当前迫切需要解决的问题。保证公权力阳光运行,关键在于把握好"用好公权力、借重公约力、提升公信力"三个环节。其中,用好公权力是基础:要明确职权,依法行政,保障民权;借重公约力是保障:要约束监督,疏通渠道,顺应民意;提升公信力是目标:要取信于民,民生至上,凝聚民心。最终实现"以人为本、执政为民"。     

列宁关于资本特权的思想述论

对资本特权的研究是马克思主义经典作家分析、批判资本主义社会的重要内容。在继承马克思、恩格斯相关思想的基础上,列宁进一步深化了对资本特权的认识,主要体现在:对资本特权的地位进行了历史辩证的分析;对资本特权在帝国主义阶段的特征给予了全面揭示;对落后国家特别是在此国情基础上所建立的社会主义国家如何摆脱资本特权的路径作了初步探索。     

马克思恩格斯关于特权演变阶段的分析及现实启示

反对特权是马克思恩格斯思想体系的重要内容之一,而其前提在于正确认识特权的演变轨迹及逻辑进路。只有明晰了这一前提,才能更好地反对特权。特权的演变轨迹及逻辑进路分三个阶段:第一阶段,由无有特权到家庭特权的转变;第二阶段,由氏族特权到金钱特权的转变;第三阶段,由资本特权到消除特权的转变。特权产生的根源在于私有制及其造成的阶级分化,消除的途径在于无产阶级对私有制的积极扬弃。上述关于特权根与叶、源与流、始与终的逻辑进路构成马克思恩格斯反对特权的前提认知。     

列宁关于加重对党员判罪的思想及启示

为加强执政党纯洁性,列宁结合苏俄政治建设实际提出了"加重对党员判罪"思想并贯彻在司法实践中。列宁思想的实质就是在提高党的执政能力和领导水平过程中,反对执政党成员特权,反对腐败,加强纯洁性,从严治党。这一思想为中国共产党在新民主主义革命局部执政时期所继承,在全面执政后社会主义建设改革实践中得以发展。马克思主义经典作家关于加重对党员判罪思想对党的廉政建设具有重要价值:反对特权,重申党员领导干部廉洁从政的政治准则;明确责任,进一步提高党员干部的法律意识;严明纪律,加大对违法党员干部的惩处力度。     

习近平反腐倡廉思想研究

腐败并不是从来就有的,而是随着私有制的产生而出现的。只要有私有制和公权力共同存在,就有腐败产生的土壤。腐败与反腐败在人类社会产生私有制之后,就一直是人类政治生活中不可避免的话题。中国共产党的性质和宗旨表明它是一个完全代表最广大人民利益的具有先进性、纯洁性的马克思主义政党,本质上就与腐败是不相容的。因此,坚持反对腐败是我们党的一贯坚持和实践。     

公平正义视角下的反腐倡廉建设

权力腐败和特权泛滥严重侵害了社会公平正义,因为腐败和特权严重扭曲了党政干部群体与其他社会群体之间的利益分配关系。将"公平正义"纳入廉政文化的价值观念基础之列,反腐倡廉建设将由此获得一个更贴近当前中国社会实际的、更能满足广泛性要求的道德基石。在"公平正义"视角下,才能正确认识党政干部群体的合理之"私",才会认真考虑党政干部群体与其他社会群体之间的利益分配关系,并以"公平正义"作为价值准则来制定相关法律制度,规范党政干部之所得,从而避免权力腐败与特权现象的产生。     

刍论我国互联网约束公权力的路径优化

在网络信息时代,对公权力的有效约束是可能的:迅猛发展的网络技术为其提供基础支撑;网民心理需求的满足为其营造有利环境与氛围;快速便捷的网络动员为其创设动力来源。互联网约束公权力的可能性建立在其比较优势之上——网络约束公权力的民意更及时与多元、参与主体更广泛、程序透明度更高、规范效力更大。随着时代发展和社会进步,网络约束公权力的路径需要进一步优化,而降低"数字鸿沟"和加强网民自律建设是基础性工作,进一步厘定公权力边界则是长远性方略。     

论公共权力的道德制约

在整个政治社会中,权力却与其本质相分离,被阶级所占有,甚至被私人所窃取,被用来为阶级利益服务和用来谋取私利。这就要求权力必须受到制约、而且,权力的道德制约在一切存在权力的地方都有着普遍意义。在社会主义市场经济建设中,公共行政的发展要求探寻一条法制建设与道德建设共长之路,在行政体制、行政法律和行政道德的互补中,实现行政行为的廉洁、高效。     

马克思主义工会理论在中国的发展

马克思主义工会理论在中国的发展李生林马克思主义的重要内容之一是工运理论、工会理论。马克思针对工联主义对工人队伍的影响，提出，向工人阶级灌输社会主义；并提出，组织工会不仅为当前经济利益而斗争，还要为工人阶级的政治解放而奋斗，只有解放全人类，才能解放自己...     

论《共产党宣言》的价值观诉求

《共产党宣言》作为党纲自然有其不同于其他党派的道德价值诉求,唯有真正把握其核心价值诉求,才能真正全面深刻把握《共产党宣言》和马克思主义的本质。《共产党宣言》的道德价值观诉求包括:反对剥削的公平正义道德价值观;批判资产阶级的拜金主义和利己主义道德价值观的反人性性;无产阶级利益至上的共产党人价值原则;尊重人和实现人的自由全面发展的价值旨归。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.     

Ethnic and religious variations in the reporting of racist victimization in Britain: 2000 and 2008/2009

The role of victimization in the generation of ethnic inequalities is increasingly acknowledged yet its impact on the lives of people with different religious affiliations remains underexplored. This is despite evidence of the importance of religion for forms of group identification and social mobilization. An exploration of the particular impact of religion as a focus for experiences of victimization may be particularly pertinent given the increasingly negative treatment of Muslim people since the riots in Britain of 2001, the terrorist incidents of 2001, 2004 and 2005 and the political and military responses to them. Cross-sectional analyses of data collected in 2000 and 2008/2009 explore whether there is evidence that the ethnic/religious patterning of reports of different forms of victimization have varied over time, after adjusting for the impact of age, gender, migration and socioeconomic differences between the groups. In 2000 Muslim people with different ethnic backgrounds were less likely, but by 2008/2009 were more likely, to report experiences of victimization than Caribbean Christians. However, the ethnic/religious patterning of perceptions of Britain as a ‘racist society’ were more consistent over time. This may suggest that, despite their increased exposure to victimization over the period, Muslim people in the United Kingdom have yet to experience the racialization characteristic of the treatment of Caribbean Christians, which requires a more prolonged exposure to racist negative attitudes. But this may be only a matter of time. The persistent expectation of poor treatment described by Caribbean Christians is testament to the difficulties of addressing these negative perceptions once racialized identities are embedded. Immediate action must be taken to prevent this occurring among other ethnic/religious minorities.     

Towards a democracy-centred ethics

Abstract

The core idea of this paper is that we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments to illuminate ethical problems. Democratic values, rights and institutions lie between the most abstract considerations of ethics and meta-ethics and the most particularised decisions, outcomes and contexts. Hence, this paper argues, we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments, as we best understand them, to structure our theoretical investigations, to test and organise our intuitions and ideas, and to explain and justify our philosophical conclusions. Specifically, as we will see, a democracy-centred approach to ethics can help us to distinguish liberal and democratic approaches to political morality in ways that reflect the varieties of democratic theory, and the importance of distinguishing democratic from undemocratic forms of liberalism.