Institutional Design, Military Rule, and Regime Transition in Argentina (1976–1983): an Extension of the Remmer Thesis1

Abstract— In this essay, I argue that institutions in military regimes have a significant impact not only on regime durability, but also on the level of control the military is likely to exert when it withdraws from rule. Borrowing from a typology of military regimes developed by Karen Remmer, I note how the feudal regime engenders a level of investment that drives it to remain in office despite the inability of this institutional arrangement to contain politicisation in the armed forces. The obstinacy of the feudal regime thus inevitably leads it toward collapse. The argument is tested with a detailed case study of the Proceso regime in Argentina.     

A Portrait of the (Tortured) Artist as a Young (Coloured) Man: Reading Arthur Nortje

This article examines Robert Semple’s Walks and Sketches at the Cape of Good Hope (1803), a largely forgotten early colonial text which intriguingly blends the genres of travel writing and the sentimental novel. My analysis seeks to place the text within the longer genealogies of South African literature in English by arguing that it anticipates a number of the central concerns this literature, among them sympathy for the suffering of others, the representation of racial and social difference, and the fracturing of metropolitan literary protocols in the colonial context.     

中国国家间关系的构建:从“天下”到国际秩序

随着中国的崛起,中国会在现代国际关系体系中扮演怎样的角色?这是目前国际关系领域的一个重点问题。无论是学者还是政策制定者,很多人担心中国会回归过去的朝贡制度体系并以此作为其国际关系组织原则。本文以讨论王赓武的国际关系研究为起点,从历史和现实两个维度来检讨中国的国际关系组织原则。本文强调,研究中国的国际关系体系和行为必须首先找到一个适合于中国自身的话语体系,简单地使用从西方发展起来的国际关系话语体系往往使人误入歧途。本文试图重新定义权力的概念,表明国际关系并不总是一种零和游戏,其性质取决于国家间权力关系的不同体现形式。从权力是一种非零和游戏的观点出发,本文讨论了中国是如何从历史上的朝贡制度原则转型到今天的国际关系原则的,以及朝贡制度中的开放原则又是如何体现在全球化和开放性区域主义原则中的。     

Institutional and symbolic aspects of illiberal politics: the case of North Macedonia (2006–2017)

ABSTRACT

The paper discusses the underlying characteristics of Macedonian illiberal politics during the 11-year rule of the centre-right party VMRO-DPMNE (2006–2017) focusing on two aspects: institutional and symbolic. We argue that the unfair political competition was enabled by the weakness of pre-existing institutions and the population’s clientelist preferences, which were systematically exploited and expanded by VMRO-DPMNE. We also argue that the multi-ethnic character of the country, the disputed Macedonian national identity and the lack of viable international prospects allowed VMRO-DPMNE to construct a strong nationalist narrative that appealed to voters and further isolated the opposition.     

Analysing the new Taliban Code of Conduct (Layeha): an assessment of changing perspectives and strategies of the Afghan Taliban

Periodically, Afghanistan's Taliban leadership formally issues Layeha or ‘codes of conduct’ for their fighters and supporters. Layeha offer important insights into the Afghan Taliban's objectives, strategies and the psyche/perspective of Taliban leadership. This article presents an analysis of the Taliban's code of conduct and examines what Layeha tell us about Taliban objectives, strategy and organization. Such information would seem particularly important as the United States as well as its coalition allies assess their Afghan operational strategy as well as exit strategy from Afghanistan. This analysis of the Layeha suggests that the Taliban remain most concerned with: chain of command principles preventing the fragmentation of the various Taliban networks; obtaining and maintaining public support by winning ‘hearts and minds’ of local residents; ensuring enough fighters remain engaged in combat; and galvanizing the perception that the Taliban represent a capable, desirable and fair alternative to the current Afghan political establishment.     

The (Partisan) Role of the Press in Direct Democratic Campaigns: Evidence from a Swiss Vote on European Integration

Abstract: This article analyzes the role of the press in direct democratic campaigns. The paper argues the press has a dual role: On news pages, newspapers ought to inform citizens about the issue positions and frames of the pro and con camps in a balanced way. In editorials, newspapers act as political advocates that promote their own issue frames and try to shape public opinion through voting recommendations. Comparing the issue positions and frames in editorials and news reports in the run‐up to the vote on the popular initiative “Yes to Europe” in Switzerland, this article shows that newspapers give similar visibility to the pro and con camps regardless of the papers’ own editorial position. However, some newspapers favor issue frames that are in line with their editorial perspectives. In conclusion, newspapers are more similar in news report content than in editorial views.     

The Presidential and Parliamentary Elections of the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela: Change and Continuity (1998–2000)

The paper examines to what extent electoral behaviour in Venezuela, as it appeared in the elections of 1998 and 2000, is different from that observed between 1958 and 1988. The paper reaches the conclusion that given the decline in party identification (dealignment), the short-term variables specific to each election, in particular the attitude towards government performance and personalities, have grown in weight vis-à-vis the structural factors (party identification, institutions, long-standing political predispositions). However, the latter were still relevant and important in the 1998 and 2000 elections and it is very likely they will carry on as such for the future. It is also concluded that, even though the party system has become unstable due to the decline in identification with the traditional government parties, new stabilising factors seem to have appeared and should be taken into account. These are ideology and negative party identification.     

国家与民族整合的困境:20世纪以来泰国南部马来穆斯林社会的裂变

本文试图从社会结构变迁的角度分析泰国南部穆斯林分离主义运动产生的内在原因,并就泰南地区如何走出民族整合困境提出若干见解。泰南马来穆斯林社会的失衡状态表现为政治精英的缺失和伊斯兰教的政治化倾向。从表面上来看,泰国政府通过实施教育促进计划成功地实现了伊斯兰传统教育机构——波诺的现代转型,然而事实证明,教育改革政策并没有加强马来穆斯林的国家认同,而是导致了相反的结果。因此,泰国只有尊重马来穆斯林的文化传统,恢复马来穆斯林社会结构的内在平衡和提供多样化的制度选择,才有可能走出民族整合的困境。     

中美双边投资协定对中国经济的影响——基于美国双边投资协定范本(2004)的分析

中美双边投资协定将是2010年在北京进行的、两国第二轮战略与经济对话的主要关注点之一。通过分析比较中美双边投资协定可能给中国带来的收益与冲击,本文认为,如果在美国双边投资协定范本(2004)基础上达成该协定,不仅难以达到促进中美间直接投资和证券投资增长的目的,而且会使中国在外资准入限制与资金跨境流动管理方面面临巨大的风险。     

(Ine)quality of life: Lithuanian labor migration to Sweden during the economic crisis and its aftermath, 2008–2013

ABSTRACT

This article connects micro and macro scales of inequality to Lithuanians’ decisions to depart to Sweden during the economic crisis with austerity measures and its aftermath (2008–2013). This period revealed unequal opportunities regarding the quality of life that were largely created by the gradual re-commodification of labor as well as unaddressed income and social inequalities which had existed since the 1990s. Nevertheless, macro inequalities did not directly lead to the exit decision. Rather, this was bound to the individual’s perception of the leaving opportunity and (possible) quality of life for oneself and one’s family across time and space.     

The discourse on Japanese commitment to Africa: The planning process of the fourth Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD IV)

TICAD was held for the fourth time in 2008, raising unprecedented public interest about Africa in Japan attracting attention not only from aid, diplomatic, trade and research communities but also among the general public. Due to geographic distance and limited historical connection, it has always been a matter of debate as to why Japan should increase its commitment to Africa. The different interest groups that have participated throughout the TICAD process have always had varying answers to this question. Through analysis of newspapers, journal articles and various documents this article seeks to untangle the process of TICAD's policy making and its outcomes.     

中东欧独联体政治经济转型20年: 约束条件与转型政策、策略选择

回顾中东欧独联体国家转型走过的道路,可以发现,转型的方式和路径受制于转型的约束条件.其中,政治转型与经济转型的相互制约关系尤为复杂.在复杂的约束条件下,转型的政策空间是受限的.转型目标、转型的策略选择与次序安排相互制约,共同规定了转型的基本方向和演进轨迹.     

Inventing Tradition at Gunpoint: Culture,Caciquismo and State Formation in the Región Mixe,Oaxaca (1930–1959)

This article examines the links between the creation of a post‐revolutionary Mexican culture and the maintenance of traditional forms of cacical control. Taking as a case study Luis Rodríguez, a cacique from the state of Oaxaca, it is argued that he utilised state notions of indigenismo and indigenous cultural production to assert and maintain his position as the strongman of the Mixe ethnic group. However, despite the employment of state discourses, Rodríguez’s fiefdom was never subsumed into the corporate revolutionary state. Rather, these claims of ethnic unity were used as a smokescreen to deter state intervention. As a result, Rodríguez was forced to use intimidation and violence to control pueblos outside his immediate sphere of influence during the 1940s and 1950s.